SLAVOJ ŽIŽEK

 .

TALVEZ FIQUEMOS MAIS ESCLARECIDOS

A verdadeira linha

divisória entre Israel

e a Palestina

𝖠 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖻𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖧𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗎 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 "𝗌𝖾" 𝗈𝗎 "𝗆𝖺𝗌". 𝖮𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝖺𝗉𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗄𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗍𝗓𝗂𝗆 𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎́𝗌𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗀𝗋𝗈𝗆, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖧𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾́ 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌. 𝖣𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈, 𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗀𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗈 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗋.

𝖴𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖺𝖻𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌. 𝖱𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝖾𝗋𝗎𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖾́𝗆 𝗁𝖺́ 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺. 𝖴𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗆 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗎, 𝗌𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖿𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝗏𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺, 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗎𝗏𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌 "𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌", 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗀𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 "𝖯𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖫𝗂𝗏𝗋𝖾!" 𝖭𝖾𝗆 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌. 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈.

𝖠𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝖾𝗇𝗃𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇 𝖭𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗒𝖺𝗁𝗎 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗎 𝗎𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈-𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖤𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖣𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́-𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗑𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖢𝗂𝗌𝗃𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺. 𝖮 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖲𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖭𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅, 𝖨𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝖡𝖾𝗇-𝖦𝗏𝗂𝗋, 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 "𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗎 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋, 𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 [𝗇𝖺 𝖢𝗂𝗌𝗃𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺] 𝖾́ 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺́𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗌". 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝗁𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝗋 𝗇𝗈 𝖤𝗑𝖾́𝗋𝖼𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖺́𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺́𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖧𝖾𝖻𝗋𝗈𝗇, 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟫𝟦.

𝖣𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗀𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖬𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖮𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅, 𝗌𝗈𝖻 𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗒𝖺𝗁𝗎, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈. 𝖠 𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 "𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂́𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝖺́𝗌𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌" 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾: "𝖮 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗎 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗇𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖳𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅. 𝖮 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖳𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 - 𝗇𝖺 𝖦𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖺, 𝗇𝗈 𝖭𝖾𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗏, 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖬𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖦𝗈𝗅𝖺̃, 𝗇𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖲𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺."

𝖥𝖺𝖼𝖾 𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌, 𝖾́ 𝖺𝖻𝗌𝗎𝗋𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗌𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅. 𝖮 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝖺.

𝖠𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗒𝖺𝗁𝗎 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋, 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗅𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝖦𝖺𝗓𝖺. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗋𝗏𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋, 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝗎́𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗒𝖺𝗁𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗈 "𝖲𝗋. 𝖲𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺".

𝖤𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗅 𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗈 𝖧𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗈 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖴𝗅𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅, 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗈𝗉𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗓. 𝖢𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾.

𝖮 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖧𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅, 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗒𝖺𝗁𝗎 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅. 𝖮 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗅𝗂𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌.

𝖠𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺, 𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗌𝗎𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺 𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅. 𝖤́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗀𝖺: 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗆.

𝖤́ 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖾 𝖺 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗌? 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝖼𝗅𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗌𝗈?

𝖮 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗋, 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺 𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗀𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈-𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖤𝗁𝗎𝖽 𝖮𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗍, 𝖾́ 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗈 𝖧𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾, 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗋. 𝖠𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆. 𝖤𝗆 𝟣𝟢 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺 "𝗋𝖾𝗃𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗏𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗎𝗂𝗋, 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗉𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗎 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗓𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝖧𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈".

𝖰𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗇𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗇𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗎𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅. 𝖯𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝖼𝗎𝗃𝖺 𝗉𝖺́𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗌 𝖾́ 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖽𝖺, 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗎𝗌, 𝖼𝗎𝗃𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺.

𝖴𝗆𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈 "𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈". 𝖣𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂́𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖯𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺, "𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺" 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺. 𝖭𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟦𝟢, 𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖺𝗇𝗎́𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗍𝖾 𝖢𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖳𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖯𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺, 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗈 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖧𝗈𝗅𝗅𝗒𝗐𝗈𝗈𝖽 𝖡𝖾𝗇 𝖧𝖾𝖼𝗁𝗍 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖺: "𝖬𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗌. 𝖵𝗈𝖼𝖾̂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈. 𝖮𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖠𝗆𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗏𝗈𝖼𝖾̂𝗌."

𝖮 𝖧𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖾𝖽𝖺. 𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺; 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂́𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺.

𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖾́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝖾́ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖺́𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖻𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌. 𝖰𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖾́ 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌? 𝖲𝖾𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 "𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗈", 𝖽𝖺 "𝖢𝗂𝗌𝗃𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺", 𝖽𝖺 "𝖩𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺" 𝗈𝗎... 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖯𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝟣𝟥𝟫 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈-𝗆𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖭𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟤? 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝗍𝖺́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 "𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗅" 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌. 𝖮𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺. 𝖮 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗎 𝖺 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈-𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗇𝖾𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗅 𝗇𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆.

𝖮 𝖧𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖾𝖽𝖺. 𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺; 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂́𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗇𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈.

𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗎𝗍𝗈́𝗉𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋, 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗉𝖾𝖼̧𝖺. 𝖯𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖦𝖺𝗓𝖺 𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖠𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 "𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈" 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝖻𝗅𝗈𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈.

* Professor de Filosofia na European Graduate School, é diretor internacional do Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities da Universidade de Londres e autor, mais recentemente, de Heaven in Disorder (OR Books, 2021).

 © Project Syndicate, 2023.

IN "DIÁRIO DE NOTÍCIAS" - 29/10/23 .