.
25/04/2025
..
LXXXI~MEGA FÁBRICAS
3- PRODUÇÃO DE COCO
EM COLIMA-MÉXICO
AGRO INDÚSTRIA GLOBAL
Desenvolvimento económico-social
* Colima é um dos maiores produtores de coco de todo o México. Seu povo aproveita cada parte da fruta e ela se tornou imprescindível no litoral tropical do país.
(CONTINUA PRÓXIMA SEXTA )
* MEGA FÁBRICAS é um título e dentro dele a fábrica sempre é mega,, por vezes problemática, até impiedosa, assim como o espírito inventivo mesmo que sejam pequenos.
FONTE: 
BÁRBARA RANITO
.
Novas Gramáticas da
Justiça: Reconfigurações
na Era Pós-Garantista
A normalização do punitivismo, o enfraquecimento de direitos e garantias e a instrumentalização política do sistema penal desenham um novo paradigma jurídico que ameaça os direitos conquistados com Abril.
𝐴 𝐷𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑎𝑙𝑐𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑜 𝟸𝟻 𝑑𝑒 𝐴𝑏𝑟𝑖𝑙 𝑑𝑒 𝟷𝟿𝟽𝟺 𝑑𝑒𝑢 𝑖𝑛𝜄́𝑐𝑖𝑜 𝑎 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒𝑖𝑟𝑎 𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑠𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑛𝑜 𝑐𝑎𝑚𝑝𝑜 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑔𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑒 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑐𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑢𝑎𝑖𝑠. 𝐴 𝐶𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑖𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝟷𝟿𝟽𝟼 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑎𝑔𝑟𝑜𝑢 𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑐𝜄́𝑝𝑖𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝐷𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑜, 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑒𝑔𝑢𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑓𝑢𝑛𝑑𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑎 𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑢𝑛𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑜𝑐𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎, 𝑜 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜 𝑎̀ 𝑑𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑠𝑎 𝑒 𝑎𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑜 𝑒 𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑑𝑒𝑟 𝑗𝑢𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑙, 𝑎𝑏𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑐𝑎𝑚𝑖𝑛ℎ𝑜 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑎 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑠𝑙𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑣𝑜𝑙𝑣𝑒𝑢 𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑜𝑢 𝑎𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑠 𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑐𝜄́𝑝𝑖𝑜𝑠.
𝑆𝑢𝑐𝑒𝑑𝑒, 𝑝𝑜𝑟𝑒́𝑚, 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑠𝑒 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒 ℎ𝑜𝑗𝑒 𝑎 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑜𝑐𝑢𝑝𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑎 𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑗𝑒𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑎. 𝑂𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑟𝑜𝑐𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑜𝑠 𝑛𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑐𝑟𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑚𝑎𝑟𝑐𝑎𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜 𝑝𝑢𝑛𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜, 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑎 𝑚𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑝𝑜𝑝𝑢𝑙𝑎𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑣𝑢𝑙𝑛𝑒𝑟𝑎́𝑣𝑒𝑖𝑠 𝑒 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑎 𝑒𝑟𝑜𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑔𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑓𝑢𝑛𝑑𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑖𝑠, 𝑒́ 𝑢𝑚 𝑓𝑒𝑛𝑜́𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑜 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑠𝑒 𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑢𝑚 𝑝𝑜𝑢𝑐𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑟 𝑡𝑜𝑑𝑜 𝑜 𝑚𝑢𝑛𝑑𝑜. 𝑁𝑜𝑠 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑈𝑛𝑖𝑑𝑜𝑠, 𝑎 𝑎𝑑𝑚𝑖𝑛𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑇𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑝 𝑑𝑒𝑢 𝑐𝑜𝑟𝑝𝑜 𝑎 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑐𝑢𝑟𝑖𝑡𝑎́𝑟𝑖𝑎 𝑏𝑎𝑠𝑒𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑛𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑢𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑜 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑜 𝑒 𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑖𝑣𝑖𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑠𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑙. 𝑂 𝑟𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑚𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝐽𝑎𝑣𝑖𝑒𝑟 𝑀𝑖𝑙𝑒𝑖 𝑛𝑎 𝐴𝑟𝑔𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑛𝑎 𝑡𝑒𝑚 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑚𝑜𝑣𝑖𝑑𝑜 𝑜 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑚𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑎𝑐𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑜 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜, 𝑎𝑡𝑎𝑐𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑠𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑏𝑎́𝑠𝑖𝑐𝑜𝑠, 𝑒𝑛𝑓𝑟𝑎𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑐𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑖𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑝𝑢́𝑏𝑙𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑚𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑣𝑜𝑧𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑖𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑠. 𝑁𝑜 𝑝𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒, 𝐽𝑎𝑖𝑟 𝐵𝑜𝑙𝑠𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑟𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑡𝑎𝑔𝑜𝑛𝑖𝑧𝑜𝑢 𝑎𝑡𝑎𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑠 𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑜𝑠 𝑎𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑑𝑒𝑟 𝑗𝑢𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑎́𝑟𝑖𝑜 𝑛𝑜 𝐵𝑟𝑎𝑠𝑖𝑙, 𝑎̀ 𝑖𝑚𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑠𝑎 𝑒 𝑎𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑚𝑖𝑛𝑜𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑠, 𝑐𝑜𝑟𝑟𝑜𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑖𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑓𝑢𝑛𝑑𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑐𝑖𝑎. 𝐸𝑚 𝑑𝑖𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑠𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑎𝜄́𝑠𝑒𝑠 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢𝑠, 𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑐𝑒 𝑎 𝑐𝑟𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜, 𝑑𝑎 𝑠𝑎𝑢́𝑑𝑒 𝑟𝑒𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑑𝑢𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑎, 𝑑𝑎 𝑜𝑟𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑠𝑒𝑥𝑢𝑎𝑙 𝑜𝑢 𝑑𝑎 𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝑔𝑒́𝑛𝑒𝑟𝑜, 𝑒𝑛𝑞𝑢𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑠𝑒 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑚𝑎𝑚 𝑝𝑟𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑒𝑠𝑣𝑎𝑧𝑖𝑎𝑚 𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑐𝜄́𝑝𝑖𝑜𝑠 𝑏𝑎́𝑠𝑖𝑐𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝐷𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜.
𝑇𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑎-𝑠𝑒, 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑚, 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑓𝑒𝑛𝑜́𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑜 𝑔𝑙𝑜𝑏𝑎𝑙 𝑒 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑒́ 𝑎 𝑒𝑥𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑙𝑜́𝑔𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎 𝑜 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑚𝑒𝑐𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑜𝑙𝑜 𝑠𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑙 𝑒 𝑎𝑓𝑖𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑜𝑙𝑜́𝑔𝑖𝑐𝑎, 𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑎 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑃𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑢𝑔𝑎𝑙 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎́ 𝑖𝑚𝑢𝑛𝑒.
𝐶𝑜𝑚 𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜, 𝑡𝑎𝑚𝑏𝑒́𝑚 𝑛𝑜 𝑛𝑜𝑠𝑠𝑜 𝑝𝑎𝜄́𝑠 𝑠𝑒 𝑡𝑒𝑚 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜 𝑎 𝑢𝑚 𝑖𝑛𝑞𝑢𝑖𝑒𝑡𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑚𝑜𝑣𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑒𝑟𝑜𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑖𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑓𝑢𝑛𝑑𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝑛𝑜𝑠𝑠𝑜 𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑎 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑙, 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑚𝑜𝑣𝑖𝑑𝑜 𝑠𝑜𝑏 𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑒𝑥𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑒𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑎́𝑐𝑖𝑎, 𝑑𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑏𝑎𝑡𝑒 𝑎̀ 𝑐𝑜𝑟𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒 𝑑𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑔𝑢𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 𝑝𝑢́𝑏𝑙𝑖𝑐𝑎. 𝐷𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑜 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑒 𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑟𝑜𝑐𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑜, 𝑒́ 𝑎 𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑠𝑒 𝑡𝑒̂𝑚 𝑓𝑙𝑒𝑥𝑖𝑏𝑖𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑐𝜄́𝑝𝑖𝑜𝑠 𝑜𝑢𝑡𝑟𝑜𝑟𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑖𝑛𝑒𝑔𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎́𝑣𝑒𝑖𝑠. 𝐴 𝑓𝑎𝑐𝑖𝑙𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑐𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑠𝑒 𝑖𝑚𝑝𝑜̃𝑒𝑚 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑣𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝑙𝑖𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒, 𝑎 𝑏𝑎𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑠𝑐𝑢𝑡𝑎𝑠 𝑡𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑓𝑜́𝑛𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠, 𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑖𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑣𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑔𝑎𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑒𝑚 𝑐𝑢𝑟𝑠𝑜 𝑒 𝑎 𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑠𝑢𝑏𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑖𝑟 𝑔𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑟 𝑠𝑜𝑙𝑢𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑣𝑒𝑛𝑖𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑎𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑠 𝑎𝑙𝑔𝑢𝑛𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑙𝑒𝑥𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑚𝑎𝑙 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑜𝑟: 𝑎 𝑛𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑜 𝑖𝑛𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑔𝑜.
𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑓𝑜𝑖 𝑎𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑎𝑛ℎ𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜 𝑔𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑛𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝐴𝑙𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 𝐷𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 (𝐴𝐷) 𝑒𝑚 𝑡𝑜𝑑𝑎 𝑎 𝑙𝑖𝑛ℎ𝑎, 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑠𝑜́ 𝑛𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑎 𝑎̀ 𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒 𝑎̀𝑠 𝑓𝑎𝑚𝑜𝑠𝑎𝑠 “𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑐𝑒𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑠𝑒𝑔𝑢𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎”, 𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑡𝑎𝑚𝑏𝑒́𝑚 𝑎𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑣𝑒́𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝑠𝑢𝑎 𝐴𝑔𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑎 𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑜𝑟𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜. 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑒 𝑝𝑎𝑐𝑜𝑡𝑒, 𝑎𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑒 𝑝𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑎, 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑢𝑛ℎ𝑎 𝑢𝑚 𝑙𝑒𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑏𝑎𝑡𝑒 𝑎̀ 𝑐𝑜𝑟𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜, 𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑠𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑟 𝑜 𝑎𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑚𝑒𝑐𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑓𝑖𝑠𝑐𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑏𝑒𝑛𝑠 𝑒 𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑜𝑑𝑢𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑎 𝑐ℎ𝑎𝑚𝑎𝑑𝑎 “𝑑𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑚𝑖𝑎𝑑𝑎”, 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑠𝑒 𝑎𝑓𝑖𝑔𝑢𝑟𝑎𝑚 𝑎𝑙𝑡𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑏𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠. 𝐴 𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑎 𝐴𝐷 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑣𝑒-𝑠𝑒, 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑚, 𝑛𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑙𝑜́𝑔𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑢𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑚𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑢𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑜 𝑚𝑜𝑑𝑒𝑙𝑜 𝑔𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎, 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑙𝑒𝑡𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑣𝑖𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑎 𝑗𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑐̧𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑚𝑒𝑖𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑞𝑢𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎.
𝑂 𝑟𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑚𝑒 𝑑𝑎 𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑑𝑎 𝑎𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑎𝑑𝑎, 𝑗𝑎́ 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑎𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑒𝑚 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑠𝑙𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑜𝑟 𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑎́𝑣𝑒𝑖𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑒𝑟𝑣𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑟 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝑚𝑢𝑖𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑗𝑢𝑟𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑠, 𝑒𝑣𝑜𝑙𝑢𝑖 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑐𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑣𝑒𝑧 𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑒𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑎 𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑒𝑚 𝑗𝑢𝑙𝑔𝑎𝑑𝑜, 𝑎𝑏𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑎 𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑠𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝑜́𝑛𝑢𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑣𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑎𝑡𝜄́𝑣𝑒𝑖𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑐𝜄́𝑝𝑖𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑢𝑛𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑜𝑐𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎. 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑝𝑟𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑠𝑢𝑏𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑡𝑒 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑎𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑠 𝑜 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑔𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎, 𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑡𝑎𝑚𝑏𝑒́𝑚 𝑜𝑠 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑐𝜄́𝑝𝑖𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑗𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑐̧𝑎 𝑚𝑎𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑙. 𝐽𝑎́ 𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑚𝑖𝑎𝑑𝑎, 𝑎𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑎 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑓𝑟𝑒𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑎𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑟𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑣𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑔𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑧, 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑖 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑔𝑜𝑠𝑎 𝑎𝑟𝑚𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑚𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑝𝑢𝑙𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑐𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑢𝑎𝑙 𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑐𝑎𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑠𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑟 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑖𝑔𝑢𝑎𝑙𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒𝑠 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑠𝑢𝑏𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑚 𝑛𝑜 𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑎 𝑗𝑢𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑙. 𝑆𝑜𝑏 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑠𝑝𝑒𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑙𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑒, 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑠𝑒 𝑝𝑜𝑑𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑖𝑥𝑎𝑟 𝑑𝑒 𝑎𝑑𝑚𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑟 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑎 𝐽𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑐̧𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑢𝑔𝑢𝑒𝑠𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑛𝑢𝑎 𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑟 𝑚𝑎𝑟𝑐𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑟 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑓𝑢𝑛𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑖𝑔𝑢𝑎𝑙𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒𝑠 𝑛𝑜 𝑎𝑐𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑜 𝑒 𝑛𝑜𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑢𝑙𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠, 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑠𝑒𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑜𝑠 𝑐𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑎̃𝑜𝑠 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑣𝑢𝑙𝑛𝑒𝑟𝑎́𝑣𝑒𝑖𝑠 𝑒 𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑜𝑠 𝑐𝑎𝑝𝑎𝑐𝑖𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑒𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑜𝑚𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒. 𝑁𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑒 𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜, 𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑚𝑖𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑏𝑒𝑛𝑒𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑟𝑖𝑎 𝑜𝑠 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑖𝑛𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑜𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑢𝑟𝑠𝑜𝑠, 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑝𝑜𝑑𝑒𝑚 𝑚𝑒𝑙ℎ𝑜𝑟 𝑛𝑒𝑔𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑟 𝑎𝑠 𝑠𝑢𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑠𝑖𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠, 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑜 𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑎 𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑢 𝑓𝑎𝑣𝑜𝑟. 𝑃𝑜𝑟 𝑠𝑒𝑢 𝑡𝑢𝑟𝑛𝑜, 𝑜𝑠 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑏𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑠𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑚 𝑐𝑜𝑎𝑔𝑖𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑢𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑟 𝑒𝑚 𝑡𝑟𝑜𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑎𝑙𝜄́𝑣𝑖𝑜𝑠 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑑𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑙𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑠𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑚 𝑑𝑒 𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑎 𝑒𝑞𝑢𝑖𝑡𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑎. 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑖𝑑𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑎, 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑚, 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑢𝑚 𝑚𝑒𝑐𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑐̧𝑜 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑖𝑔𝑢𝑎𝑙𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒𝑠, 𝑑𝑒𝑖𝑥𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑐𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑜 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑎 𝐽𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑐̧𝑎 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒́ 𝑖𝑔𝑢𝑎𝑙 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑡𝑜𝑑𝑜𝑠.
𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑖𝑔𝑢𝑎𝑙𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒́ 𝑎𝑙ℎ𝑒𝑖𝑎 𝑎̀ 𝑖𝑛𝑓𝑙𝑢𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑐𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑔𝑚𝑎 𝑛𝑒𝑜𝑙𝑖𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑙 𝑠𝑜𝑏𝑟𝑒 𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑐𝑟𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑙. 𝑆𝑜𝑏 𝑜 𝑑𝑖𝑠𝑐𝑢𝑟𝑠𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑎𝑏𝑖𝑙𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑖𝑣𝑖𝑑𝑢𝑎𝑙, 𝑑𝑎 𝑚𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑡𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑒 𝑑𝑎 𝑒𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑚𝑒𝑟𝑐𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠, 𝑜 𝑛𝑒𝑜𝑙𝑖𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑚𝑜𝑣𝑒 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑐𝑒𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑝𝑢𝑛𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑎 𝑑𝑎 𝑗𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑐̧𝑎 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑝𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑎 𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑟 𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑖𝑑𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑚𝑒𝑐𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑔𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑟𝑖𝑠𝑐𝑜𝑠 𝑠𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑖𝑠, 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑢𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑒𝑥𝑐𝑒𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎́𝑟𝑖𝑜𝑠 𝑜𝑢 𝑚𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑖𝑠. 𝑁𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑥𝑡𝑜, 𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑎-𝑠𝑒, 𝑟𝑒𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑑𝑢𝑧𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑒 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑚𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑖𝑔𝑢𝑎𝑙𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒𝑠 𝑠𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑜𝑒𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑜́𝑚𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑗𝑎́ 𝑒𝑥𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑠.
𝐸𝑚 𝑠𝑢𝑚𝑎, 𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑚𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑗𝑢𝑛𝑡𝑢𝑟𝑎 𝑒𝑚 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑜 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑠𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑡𝑒 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑔𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑣𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑛𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑟𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑏𝑎𝑡𝑒 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑜 𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝑔𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑜 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑜, 𝑒𝑚 𝑑𝑒𝑡𝑟𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑠𝑢𝑎 𝑓𝑢𝑛𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑒 𝑔𝑢𝑎𝑟𝑑𝑖𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑔𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑒 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜𝑠. 𝐴 𝑙𝑖𝑛𝑔𝑢𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑚 𝑠𝑒𝑐𝑢𝑟𝑖𝑡𝑎́𝑟𝑖𝑎, 𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑎 𝑢𝑟𝑔𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑚𝑜𝑟𝑎𝑙 𝑒 𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑛𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑝𝑢́𝑏𝑙𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑠𝑢𝑠𝑝𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑢𝑡𝑖𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑔𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑟 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑠𝑜 𝑒𝑚 𝑡𝑜𝑟𝑛𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑟𝑒𝑑𝑢𝑧𝑒𝑚 𝑙𝑖𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒𝑠 𝑓𝑢𝑛𝑑𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑖𝑠. 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑑𝑒𝑖𝑥𝑎𝑚 𝑑𝑒 𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝𝑜𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑟 𝑎 𝑛𝑒𝑐𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒𝑠 𝑜𝑏𝑗𝑒𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑗𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑐̧𝑎 𝑒 𝑝𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑎𝑚 𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑟𝑣𝑖𝑟 𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑒́𝑔𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑎𝑓𝑖𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎, 𝑐𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑢𝑚 𝑎𝑚𝑏𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑒𝑚 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑜 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑜 — 𝑑𝑎 𝑐𝑟𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒, 𝑑𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑟𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜, 𝑑𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑒𝑔𝑢𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 — 𝑒́ 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑗𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑟 𝑜 𝑎𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑑𝑒𝑟 𝑝𝑢𝑛𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑜 𝑑𝑜 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜.
𝐴 𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜 𝑔𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑛𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝐴𝑙𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 𝐷𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑠𝑖𝑚𝑝𝑙𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑣𝑖𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑜 — 𝑒́ 𝑢𝑚 𝑠𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑜𝑚𝑎 𝑐𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑛ℎ𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑜𝑙𝑜́𝑔𝑖𝑐𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑝𝑢𝑙𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑑𝑎 𝑒𝑥𝑡𝑟𝑒𝑚𝑎-𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑎, 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑡𝑒𝑚 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑠𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑎̀ 𝑐𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑑𝑜 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑜, 𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑖𝑛𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒 𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑚𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑖𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠. 𝐴𝑜 𝑎𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑟-𝑠𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑒 𝑣𝑜𝑐𝑎𝑏𝑢𝑙𝑎́𝑟𝑖𝑜 𝑒 𝑎𝑜 𝑖𝑚𝑝𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑟 𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑎𝑠 𝑚𝑒𝑑𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑠, 𝑎 𝐴𝐷 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑠𝑜́ 𝑣𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑑𝑎 𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑣𝑎 𝑎𝑢𝑡𝑜𝑟𝑖𝑡𝑎́𝑟𝑖𝑎, 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑣𝑒 𝑛𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑟𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑜 𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑎 𝑗𝑢𝑟𝜄́𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑢𝑔𝑢𝑒̂𝑠.
𝑅𝑒𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑟 𝑎 𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑎 𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑚𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑎 𝑗𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑐̧𝑎 𝑒́, 𝑝𝑜𝑟 𝑖𝑠𝑠𝑜, 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑒𝑥𝑖𝑔𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑗𝑢𝑟𝜄́𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑎: 𝑒́ 𝑢𝑚 𝑖𝑚𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑜 𝑒 𝑐𝑖𝑣𝑖𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑎𝑐𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙. 𝐸́ 𝑙𝑢𝑡𝑎𝑟 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑎 𝑗𝑢𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑐̧𝑎 𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑚𝑎𝑛𝑒𝑐̧𝑎 𝑢𝑚 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑒𝑚𝑎𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑝𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑠𝑢𝑏𝑚𝑖𝑠𝑠𝑎̃𝑜. 𝐸́ 𝑑𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑟 𝐴𝑏𝑟𝑖𝑙 — 𝑛𝑎 𝑙𝑒𝑖, 𝑛𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝜄́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎, 𝑒 𝑛𝑎 𝑟𝑢𝑎.
* Jurista e ativista do Bloco de Esquerda
IN "ESQUERDA" - 25/04/25.
Subscrever:
Comentários (Atom)