JOSÉ GUSMÃO

 .

Os salários de

Frei Tomás

O Governo rejeitou todas as propostas que tinham por objetivo promover o crescimento dos salários no setor privado ou a partilha do impacto da inflação com as grandes empresas. Vamos assistir em 2022 à maior transferência de rendimento do trabalho para o capital desde, pelo menos, o início do século.

𝓐 𝓹𝓻𝓲𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓹𝓪𝓵 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓪 𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓭𝓸 𝓞𝓻𝓬̧𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓔𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟐 𝓯𝓸𝓲 𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓼𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓪̀ 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮 𝓪̀ 𝓮𝓻𝓸𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓻 𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓹𝓻𝓪 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼. 𝓐 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮 𝓮𝓶 𝓼𝓪𝓫𝓮𝓻 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓽𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓼𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓲𝓼, 𝓮 𝓮𝓶 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓶𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓭𝓪, 𝓲𝓻𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓾𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓪𝓻 𝓸 𝓲𝓶𝓹𝓪𝓬𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓮𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓵𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓭𝓪 𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓬̧𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓪 𝓮𝓷𝓮𝓻𝓰𝓲𝓪.

𝓐 𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓭𝓸 𝓖𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓸 𝓷𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓮 𝓸𝓻𝓬̧𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓭𝓲𝓪 𝓼𝓮𝓻 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓬𝓵𝓪𝓻𝓪. 𝓣𝓸𝓭𝓸 𝓸 𝓬𝓱𝓸𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓪́ 𝓼𝓾𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸𝓼 𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓸 𝓮 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓮𝓷𝓼𝓸̃𝓮𝓼. 𝓐 𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓰𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓸, 𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓼𝓲𝓶𝓾𝓵𝓽𝓪𝓷𝓮𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓷𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓭𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓸𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝟑,𝟐% 𝓮 𝓷𝓾𝓶 𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓟𝓘𝓑 𝓷𝓸𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓻 𝓭𝓮 𝟕,𝟓%, 𝓼𝓲𝓰𝓷𝓲𝓯𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓮𝓻𝓪̃𝓸 𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓸𝓼 𝟒,𝟑% (𝓪 𝓭𝓲𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓬̧𝓪 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓮 𝓪𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓸𝓲𝓼 𝓷𝓾́𝓶𝓮𝓻𝓸𝓼) 𝓭𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓷𝓮𝓬𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓹𝓮𝓷𝓼𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓸 𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓮 𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓾 𝓹𝓮𝓼𝓸 𝓷𝓪 𝓻𝓲𝓺𝓾𝓮𝔃𝓪 𝓽𝓸𝓽𝓪𝓵 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓭𝓾𝔃𝓲𝓭𝓪 𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓲́𝓼. 𝓡𝓮𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪 𝓾𝓶 𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓮 𝓻𝓮𝓪𝓵, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓪́ 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓼𝓮 𝓭𝓸 𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓱𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸. 𝓔 𝓪𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓬𝓮𝓻𝓪́ 𝓪𝓹𝓮𝓼𝓪𝓻 𝓭𝓮 𝓾𝓶 𝓪𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓼𝓲𝓰𝓷𝓲𝓯𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓭𝓾𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮.

𝓐𝓸 𝓶𝓮𝓼𝓶𝓸 𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓸, 𝓸 𝓖𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓸 𝓻𝓮𝓳𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓾 (𝓮 𝓽𝓮𝓶 𝓻𝓮𝓳𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓼𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓪𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮) 𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓽𝓲𝓷𝓱𝓪𝓶 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓸𝓫𝓳𝓮𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓶𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓭𝓲𝓷𝓪̂𝓶𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓽𝓸𝓻 𝓹𝓻𝓲𝓿𝓪𝓭𝓸, 𝓫𝓮𝓶 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓼 𝓷𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪𝓼 𝓰𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓮𝓼 𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓮𝓶 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓮 𝓲𝓶𝓹𝓪𝓬𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸. 𝓥𝓪𝓶𝓸𝓼, 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓲𝓼𝓼𝓸, 𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓻 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟐 𝓪̀ 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓸𝓻 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓼𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓸 𝓬𝓪𝓹𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓵 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓭𝓮, 𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸 𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓸𝓼, 𝓸 𝓲𝓷𝓲́𝓬𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓼𝓮́𝓬𝓾𝓵𝓸. 𝓜𝓪𝓲𝓸𝓻 𝓭𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮𝓶 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓵𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓻 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓪𝓷𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓪 𝓣𝓻𝓸𝓲𝓴𝓪. 𝓤𝓶𝓪 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮𝓷𝓿𝓲𝓪 𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓮𝓻𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼. 𝓔 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓺𝓾𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓼 𝓶𝓾𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓷𝓮𝓰𝓪𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓶 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓪.

𝓞 𝓪𝓻𝓰𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓪 𝓮́, 𝓷𝓸 𝓶𝓲́𝓷𝓲𝓶𝓸, 𝓲𝓷𝓼𝓸́𝓵𝓲𝓽𝓸. 𝓟𝓸𝓾𝓬𝓸 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓪𝓶 𝓪𝓼 𝓪𝓷𝓪́𝓵𝓲𝓼𝓮𝓼 𝓯𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓲𝓷𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓽𝓾𝓲𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓲𝓷𝓼𝓾𝓼𝓹𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓸 𝓑𝓒𝓔. 𝓞 𝓖𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓸 𝓭𝓲𝔃 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪 𝓪𝓽𝓾𝓪𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓮𝓯𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓵𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓼. 𝓝𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮, 𝓸 𝓪𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓸𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓻𝓪 𝓾𝓶 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓽𝓸 𝓷𝓮𝓾𝓽𝓻𝓸, 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓶𝓪𝓬𝓻𝓸𝓮𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓸́𝓶𝓲𝓬𝓸, 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓪 𝓮𝓿𝓸𝓵𝓾𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓬̧𝓸𝓼 𝓮́ 𝓪 𝓼𝓾𝓪 𝓪𝓽𝓾𝓪𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮𝓶 𝓯𝓾𝓷𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓿𝓪𝓻𝓲𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓳𝓾𝓰𝓪𝓭𝓪 𝓭𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮 𝓭𝓪 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓭𝓾𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮. 𝓕𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓻𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓼 𝓪 𝓵𝓮́𝓰𝓾𝓪𝓼, 𝓸𝓾 𝓼𝓮𝓳𝓪, 𝓪 𝟒,𝟑%, 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓪 𝓪𝓽𝓾𝓪𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸. 𝓞 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓸 𝓖𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪́ 𝓪 𝓯𝓪𝔃𝓮𝓻 𝓮́ 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓽𝓮𝓰𝓮𝓻 𝓸𝓼 𝓵𝓾𝓬𝓻𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓪𝓼 𝓮 𝓪 𝓾𝓼𝓪𝓻 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓶 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓪 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓹𝓮𝓷𝓼𝓪𝓻 𝓸 𝓪𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓬̧𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓪 𝓮𝓷𝓮𝓻𝓰𝓲𝓪, 𝓸𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓪 𝓯𝓸𝓻𝓶𝓪 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓫𝓻𝓾𝓽𝓪𝓵 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓼𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸.

𝓞 𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓪𝓻𝓰𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓶𝓲́𝓷𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓽𝓪́𝓿𝓮𝓵. 𝓐 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓸́𝓻𝓲𝓪, 𝓵𝓸𝓰𝓸 𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓮 𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓫𝓮́𝓶 𝓮́ 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓸́𝓻𝓲𝓸. 𝓐𝓺𝓾𝓲 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓸 𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓪𝓫𝓼𝓸𝓵𝓾𝓽𝓪 𝓲𝓰𝓷𝓸𝓻𝓪̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓸𝓾 𝓶𝓪́ 𝓯𝓮́. 𝓞𝓼 𝓪𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟑 𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓪̃𝓸 𝓯𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓮𝓶 𝓬𝓲𝓶𝓪 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓿𝓪𝓵𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟐. 𝓐𝓼𝓼𝓲𝓶 𝓼𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓸, 𝓪 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓻 𝓺𝓾𝓮, 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟑, 𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓬̧𝓸𝓼 𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓾𝓮𝓶 𝟒,𝟑% 𝓸𝓾 𝓸 𝓖𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓹𝓮𝓷𝓼𝓮 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟑 𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓮 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪𝓻𝓲𝓪𝓵 𝓭𝓮 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟐, 𝓪𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝟒,𝟑% 𝓶𝓾𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓶𝓪 𝓭𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓭𝓾𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮, 𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓿𝓪́𝓿𝓮𝓵, 𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪́ 𝓮𝓶 𝓬𝓪𝓾𝓼𝓪 𝓮́, 𝓪𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮́ 𝓭𝓲𝓽𝓸, 𝓾𝓶 𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓮 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓸 𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓻𝓮.

𝓞 𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓬𝓮𝓲𝓻𝓸 𝓪𝓻𝓰𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓸 𝓖𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓸 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓯𝓲𝔁𝓪 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓲𝓿𝓪𝓭𝓸. 𝓔́ 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓶𝓮𝓲𝓪 𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓯𝓪𝔃𝓮𝓻 𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓪𝓻 𝓭𝓮 𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓰𝓸𝓷𝓱𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓶 𝓪𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓪 𝓼𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓲𝓻𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓿𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓻 𝓭𝓪 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓼𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓵-𝓭𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓬𝓻𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓪. 𝓝𝓪̃𝓸, 𝓸 𝓔𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓮𝓬𝓲𝓭𝓮 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓽𝓸𝓻 𝓹𝓻𝓲𝓿𝓪𝓭𝓸. 𝓜𝓪𝓼 𝓭𝓮𝓯𝓲𝓷𝓮 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓸 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓵𝓱𝓮𝓼 𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓿𝓮𝓶 𝓭𝓮 𝓻𝓮𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪. 𝓞𝓫𝓿𝓲𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮, 𝓪𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓸𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓭𝓪 𝓯𝓾𝓷𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓮𝓶 𝟎,𝟗% 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓪𝓳𝓾𝓭𝓪, 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓾𝓼𝓪𝓻 𝓾𝓶 𝓮𝓾𝓯𝓮𝓶𝓲𝓼𝓶𝓸, 𝓪 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓰𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓷𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓳𝓾𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓮𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓸𝓶𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓸 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓭𝓲𝓸 𝓷𝓸𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓷𝓸 𝓿𝓪𝓵𝓸𝓻 𝓭𝓮 𝟕,𝟓% 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓷𝓮𝓬𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟐 𝓸 𝓹𝓮𝓼𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓽𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓸 𝓷𝓸 𝓟𝓘𝓑 𝓷𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓾 𝓷𝓲́𝓿𝓮𝓵 𝓭𝓮 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟏, 𝓾𝓶 𝓹𝓮𝓼𝓸, 𝓳𝓪́ 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪̃𝓸, 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓻 𝓪𝓸 𝓸𝓫𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓿𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓷𝓪 𝔃𝓸𝓷𝓪 𝓮𝓾𝓻𝓸. 𝓔 𝓸 𝓔𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓮𝓯𝓲𝓷𝓮 𝓼𝓸𝓫𝓻𝓮𝓽𝓾𝓭𝓸 𝓪 𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓼𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓸 𝓷𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓭𝓻𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓵 𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓮𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓮𝓯𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼.

𝓕𝓸𝓲 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓪 𝓭𝓸 𝓟𝓢 𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻 𝓪 𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓼𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓵𝓪𝓫𝓸𝓻𝓪𝓵 𝓭𝓮 𝓟𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓸𝓼 𝓒𝓸𝓮𝓵𝓱𝓸 𝓮 𝓭𝓪 𝓣𝓻𝓸𝓲𝓴𝓪, 𝓲𝓷𝓬𝓵𝓾𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓪 𝓬𝓪𝓭𝓾𝓬𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓿𝓮𝓷𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓮𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓪𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓸, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓽𝓮𝓶 𝓿𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓪 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓾𝓲𝓻 𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓮𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓪 𝓮𝓶 𝓟𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓾𝓰𝓪𝓵 𝓮, 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮, 𝓪 𝓵𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓻 𝓪 𝓬𝓪𝓹𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓿𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓪 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼.

𝓔́ 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓲𝓼𝓼𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮́ 𝓪𝓫𝓼𝓸𝓵𝓾𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓮𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓸𝓼𝓸 𝓸 “𝓪𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸” 𝓭𝓮 𝓐𝓷𝓽𝓸́𝓷𝓲𝓸 𝓒𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓪𝓼 𝓪𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓶 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓮𝓾𝓼 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎% 𝓭𝓾𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓸́𝔁𝓲𝓶𝓸𝓼 𝟒 𝓪𝓷𝓸𝓼. 𝓟𝓸𝓻𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮́ 𝓲𝓷𝓳𝓾𝓼𝓽𝓸? 𝓒𝓵𝓪𝓻𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸. 𝓢𝓸́ 𝓹𝓮𝓬𝓪 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓽𝓪𝓻𝓭𝓲𝓸. 𝓜𝓪𝓼 𝓮́ 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓹𝓵𝓮𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓲𝓷𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓲𝓽𝓸́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓸 𝓟𝓻𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓲𝓻𝓸-𝓜𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪́ 𝓪 𝓯𝓪𝔃𝓮𝓻 𝓷𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓲𝓼𝓸 𝓲𝓷𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮. 𝓐𝓷𝓽𝓸́𝓷𝓲𝓸 𝓒𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓹𝓮𝓭𝓮 𝓪̀𝓼 𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓪𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓯𝓪𝓬̧𝓪𝓶 𝓪𝓺𝓾𝓲𝓵𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓾 𝓖𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓸 𝓼𝓮 𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓾𝓼𝓸𝓾 𝓪 𝓯𝓪𝔃𝓮𝓻 𝓮 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓽𝓸𝓶𝓪 𝓷𝓮𝓷𝓱𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓶𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓭𝓪 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓱𝓪 𝓪𝓵𝓰𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸.

𝓞 “𝓪𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸” 𝓮́ 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓹𝓪𝓰𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓪 𝓹𝓾𝓻𝓪 𝓮 𝓭𝓾𝓻𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓸 𝓸𝓫𝓳𝓮𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓫𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓪𝓻 𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓼 𝓯𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓼 𝓷𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓮 𝓸𝓻𝓬̧𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓮 𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓮𝓵𝓮, 𝓮 𝓪𝓼 𝓼𝓾𝓪𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓺𝓾𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝓶 𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼, 𝓷𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓮𝓽𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓸 𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓲𝓿𝓪𝓭𝓸. 𝓞 𝓟𝓻𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓲𝓻𝓸-𝓜𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓶𝓮𝓽𝓮𝓾 𝓮𝓶 𝓬𝓪𝓶𝓹𝓪𝓷𝓱𝓪 𝓯𝓪𝔃𝓮𝓻 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓰𝓲𝓻 𝓪 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓮 𝓭𝓸 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓸 𝓷𝓸 𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓷𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓪 𝓶𝓮́𝓭𝓲𝓪 𝓮𝓾𝓻𝓸𝓹𝓮𝓲𝓪, 𝓿𝓪𝓲 𝓯𝓪𝔃𝓮𝓻 𝓻𝓲𝓰𝓸𝓻𝓸𝓼𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸. 𝓞 𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓸 𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓪𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸𝓼. 𝓑𝓮𝓶 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓰𝓪 𝓯𝓻𝓮𝓲 𝓣𝓸𝓶𝓪́𝓼, 𝓶𝓪𝓼 𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓪𝓽𝓻𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓯𝓪𝓻𝓪̃𝓸 𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮𝓵𝓮 𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓫𝓮́𝓶 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓯𝓪𝔃.

* Economista, político português

IN "SETENTA E QUATRO" - 09/06/22 .