ANA PAULA DOURADO

. 

A Constituição como vocação: 

legitimidade, transparência 

e escrutínio dos juízes do TC

A propósito da recente polémica sobre o novo presidente do Tribunal Constitucional, a professora de Direito Ana Paula Dourado escreve sobre o modo como são escolhidos os membros desta instância

𝓐𝓹𝓸́𝓼 𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓭𝓸 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓒𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓽𝓾𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵 (𝓣𝓒) 𝓯𝓸𝓻𝓪𝓶 𝓭𝓲𝓿𝓾𝓵𝓰𝓪𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓸𝓹𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓯𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓸𝓻, 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓪𝓼 𝓪 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓰𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓭𝓪 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓬𝓻𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮𝓶 𝓻𝓪𝔃𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓸𝓻𝓲𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝔁𝓾𝓪𝓵. 𝓣𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓸𝓹𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓪̃𝓸 𝓰𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓲𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓬̧𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓪̀ 𝓼𝓾𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓽𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓲𝓷𝓬𝓲́𝓹𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓲𝓰𝓾𝓪𝓵𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮, 𝓷𝓸 𝓮𝔁𝓮𝓻𝓬𝓲́𝓬𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓯𝓾𝓷𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼. 𝓡𝓮𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓽𝓪𝓻𝓭𝓲𝓪, 𝓹𝓸𝓲𝓼 𝓪𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓼𝓾𝓪 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓳𝓾𝓲𝔃 𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓮𝓼𝓶𝓸 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵, 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓮𝓾𝓼 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓽𝓲𝓷𝓱𝓪𝓶 𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓾𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓱𝓪́ 𝓪𝓵𝓰𝓾𝓶 𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓸.

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𝓐 𝓻𝓮𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓾𝓶 𝓼𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓸𝓼: 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓸𝓹𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓼 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓪𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓼; 𝓭𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓵𝓾𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓷𝓮𝓵𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝔁𝓮𝓻𝓬𝓮𝓶 𝓪𝓼 𝓪𝓾𝓭𝓲𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓷𝓸 𝓼𝓾𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓶𝓸 𝓷𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓮-𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓷𝓸; 𝓭𝓮 𝓼𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓮𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮𝓼 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓯𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓾𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓪𝓼. 𝓔́ 𝓽𝓪𝓻𝓭𝓲𝓪, 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪̃𝓸 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓽𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓪 𝓭𝓪 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮.

𝓐 𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪̃𝓸 𝓻𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓿𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓮́ 𝓪 𝓭𝓪 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓣𝓒 𝓮 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸. 𝓞 𝓮𝓬𝓸 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓸𝓹𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓹𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓸𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓾𝓶 𝓳𝓾𝓲𝔃 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓮 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓮́ 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓫𝓸𝓪 𝓸𝓬𝓪𝓼𝓲𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓪𝓰𝓪𝓻𝓶𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓮 𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓮𝓶 𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓬𝓻𝓪́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓪𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼; 𝓼𝓮 𝓱𝓪́ 𝓾𝓶 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓻𝓾𝓽𝓲́𝓷𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓬𝓲𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓲́𝓯𝓲𝓬𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓼𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼; 𝓮 𝓭𝓪 𝓼𝓾𝓪 𝓶𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓪̃𝓸.

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𝓞 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓭𝓸 𝓣𝓒 𝓮́ 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓮𝓾𝓼 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓮𝓼, 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓿𝓸𝓽𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓽𝓸, 𝓼𝓮𝓶 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓬𝓾𝓼𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓸𝓾 𝓭𝓮𝓫𝓪𝓽𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓮́𝓿𝓲𝓸. 𝓒𝓸𝓷𝓭𝓾𝔃 𝓪 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓬𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓸𝓼, 𝓪𝓼 𝓼𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓸̃𝓮𝓼, 𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓲𝓰𝓮 𝓸 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓮 𝓻𝓮𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪-𝓸 𝓷𝓪𝓼 𝓼𝓾𝓪𝓼 𝓻𝓮𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓮𝔁𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓪𝓼. 𝓣𝓮𝓶 𝓿𝓸𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓮𝓶 𝓬𝓪𝓼𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓪𝓽𝓮, 𝓬𝓪𝓼𝓸 𝓻𝓪𝓻𝓸. 𝓝𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓬𝓮𝓻𝓽𝓸, 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓮́𝓶, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪 𝓶𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓼𝓲𝓶𝓫𝓸𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓮 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓸𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓷𝓸 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵. 𝓔 𝓼𝓮 𝓼𝓲𝓶𝓫𝓸𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓻?

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𝓐 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻 𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝔃 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓣𝓒, 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓸𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓸𝓲𝓼 𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓬̧𝓸𝓼 𝓮 𝓿𝓸𝓽𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓽𝓸, 𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓫𝓮́𝓶 𝓵𝓱𝓮𝓼 𝓰𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓮𝓹𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪. 𝓘𝓷𝓭𝓮𝓹𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓶𝓸𝓿𝓲𝓭𝓪 𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸𝓼 𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓪𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓵𝓸𝓷𝓰𝓸𝓼 𝓮 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓸𝓿𝓪́𝓿𝓮𝓲𝓼.

𝓐 𝓬𝓸𝓸𝓹𝓽𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓽𝓻𝓮̂𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸 𝓣𝓒 𝓽𝓮𝓶 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓬𝓻𝓪́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓻𝓮𝓭𝓾𝔃𝓲𝓭𝓪. 𝓐 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲𝓽𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓸 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓹𝓮𝓷𝓼𝓪𝓻 𝓪 𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓾𝓲́𝓭𝓪. 𝓝𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓱𝓮𝓬𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓰𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓶 𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓪𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓸𝓹𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼. 𝓝𝓪 𝓐𝓵𝓮𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓱𝓪, 𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓸𝓹𝓽𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓸́ 𝓽𝓮𝓶 𝓵𝓾𝓰𝓪𝓻 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓪𝓼 𝓭𝓾𝓪𝓼 𝓬𝓪̂𝓶𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓮𝓶 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓮𝓻 𝓾𝓶 𝓳𝓾𝓲𝔃 𝓷𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓪𝔃𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓸𝓲𝓼 𝓶𝓮𝓼𝓮𝓼.

𝓐𝓬𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓼 𝓪 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓿𝓪𝓭𝓪 𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓬𝓻𝓪́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓭𝓸 𝓽𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓽𝓾𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓾𝓰𝓾𝓮̂𝓼. 𝓜𝓪𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓰𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓲𝓻 𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓬𝓲𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓲́𝓯𝓲𝓬𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼? 𝓔 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓱𝓮𝓬𝓮𝓻 𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓮𝓾𝓼 𝓿𝓪𝓵𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼?

𝓤𝓶𝓪 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓭𝓲𝓯𝓲𝓬𝓾𝓵𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮𝓼 𝓽𝓮𝓶 𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓪𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓲𝓻 𝓪𝓵𝓰𝓾𝓷𝓼 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓶𝓮𝓵𝓱𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓽𝓾𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓸 𝓣𝓒. 𝓔𝓵𝓪 𝓭𝓮𝓿𝓮-𝓼𝓮, 𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓡𝓮𝓲𝓼 𝓝𝓸𝓿𝓪𝓲𝓼, 𝓪𝓸 𝓼𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓯𝓲𝓼𝓬𝓪𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 ("𝓢𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓪 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓾𝓰𝓾𝓮̂𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓯𝓲𝓼𝓬𝓪𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓽𝓾𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮: 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓪𝓿𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓬𝓻𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪, 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟏"). 𝓤𝓶 𝓼𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓼𝓮 𝓪𝓯𝓪𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓵𝓸 𝓮𝓾𝓻𝓸𝓹𝓮𝓾 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓼𝓮 𝓵𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓽𝓪 𝓪𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓸𝓵𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓷𝓸𝓻𝓶𝓪𝓼, 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓼𝓮 𝓸 𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓰𝓸 𝓿𝓲𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓮 𝓮𝓼𝓹𝓮𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓵𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓭𝓸 𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓼𝓵𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓻. 𝓐𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓾𝓻𝓼𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓪𝓶𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓸, 𝓮𝔁𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓼 𝓷𝓸 𝓻𝓮𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓵𝓸 𝓮𝓾𝓻𝓸𝓹𝓮𝓾, 𝓸 𝓼𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓪 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓾𝓰𝓾𝓮̂𝓼 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓪𝓫𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓰𝓮 𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓸𝓵𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓵𝓮𝓼𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓼𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓪𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓯𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓲𝓼, 𝓭𝓮 𝓪𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓮𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓸́𝓻𝓰𝓪̃𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓻 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓸. 𝓔𝓼𝓽𝓮 𝓼𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓯𝓲𝓼𝓬𝓪𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓫𝓮́𝓶 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓶𝓲𝓽𝓮 𝓪𝓸 𝓣𝓒 𝓻𝓮𝓳𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓻 𝓬𝓪𝓼𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓯𝓲𝓷𝓼 𝓶𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓭𝓲𝓵𝓪𝓽𝓸́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓭𝓮𝓷𝓪𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼, 𝓲𝓷𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸-𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓲𝓻𝓻𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓿𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓼.

𝓔𝓶 𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓶𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓬𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓮 𝓭𝓮 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓼𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪, 𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓮 𝓸𝓼 𝓿𝓪𝓵𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓼𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓶 𝓼𝓮𝓻 𝓪𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓪𝓾𝓭𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻. 𝓔 𝓮𝓵𝓪 𝓮𝔁𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮, 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓭𝓮 𝓱𝓪́ 𝓾𝓷𝓼 𝓪𝓷𝓸𝓼, 𝓮𝓶 𝓻𝓮𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓪𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸 𝓟𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸. 𝓘𝓷𝓮𝔁𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓮́ 𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓻𝓾𝓽𝓲́𝓷𝓲𝓸 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓮 𝓭𝓪 𝓶𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓸𝓹𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼.

𝓐 𝓐𝓵𝓮𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓱𝓪 𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓫𝓮́𝓶 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓸𝓭𝓾𝔃𝓲𝓾 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓪𝓾𝓭𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻, 𝓲𝓷𝓼𝓹𝓲𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓪 𝓷𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓬𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓷𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓮-𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓷𝓸, 𝓶𝓪𝓼 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪. 𝓔𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓮 𝓷𝓸́𝓼, 𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓭𝓪 𝓪𝓾𝓭𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓰𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓸 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓒𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓽𝓾𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓽𝓮𝓶 𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓽𝓸𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓪𝓻, 𝓼𝓸𝓫𝓻𝓮 𝓸 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓼𝓾𝓪𝓼 𝓯𝓾𝓷𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓮 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓯𝓾𝓷𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵, 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓫𝓪𝓲𝔁𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓬𝓾𝓼𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓷𝓸𝓼 𝓶𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓪.

𝓣𝓾𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓷𝓭𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓸, 𝓪 𝓪𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓸𝓹𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓼 𝓮 𝓭𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓾𝓷𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓵 𝓪𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓮 𝓪̀ 𝓶𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓒𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓽𝓾𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓪 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓪𝓾𝓭𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓲𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓰𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓪𝓵𝓮́𝓶 𝓭𝓪 𝓶𝓮𝓻𝓪 𝓪𝓾𝓭𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓽𝓸𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓪𝓻. 𝓒𝓸𝓶 𝓵𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓽𝓮𝓼 𝓪 𝓭𝓮𝓯𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓻. 𝓐 𝓮𝓿𝓸𝓵𝓾𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓮𝓺𝓾𝓲𝓵𝓲́𝓫𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓪 𝓐𝓼𝓼𝓮𝓶𝓫𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓪 𝓡𝓮𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓫𝓮́𝓶 𝓹𝓸𝓭𝓮 𝓹𝓸̂𝓻 𝓮𝓶 𝓬𝓪𝓾𝓼𝓪 𝓸 𝓹𝓵𝓾𝓻𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓼𝓶𝓸 𝓮 𝓮𝓺𝓾𝓲𝓵𝓲́𝓫𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓪𝓽𝓮́ 𝓪𝓰𝓸𝓻𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓸 𝓣𝓒, 𝓻𝓮𝓯𝓸𝓻𝓬̧𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓪 𝓮𝔁𝓲𝓰𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓻𝓾𝓽𝓲́𝓷𝓲𝓸 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓸. 𝓐 𝓪𝓾𝓼𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓪𝓾𝓭𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓮 𝓭𝓮 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓼𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓯𝓻𝓪𝓰𝓲𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓶 𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓸𝓹𝓽𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓪 𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓳𝓾𝓲́𝔃𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝓒𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓽𝓾𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵.

𝓢𝓮 𝓪 𝓪𝓾𝓭𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓮𝓻 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓸𝓫𝓳𝓮𝓽𝓸 𝓸 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓸 𝓳𝓾𝓻𝓲́𝓭𝓲𝓬𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓭𝓾𝔃𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓮 𝓸𝓼 𝓿𝓪𝓵𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓼𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓾𝓶𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓸𝓾 𝓭𝓲𝓿𝓾𝓵𝓰𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓾𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮, 𝓪 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓫𝓪𝓼𝓮 𝓷𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓿𝓪𝓿𝓮𝓵𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓪𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻𝓪́. 𝓗𝓪́ 𝓪𝓵𝓰𝓾𝓷𝓼 𝓲𝓷𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓿𝓮𝓷𝓲𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓼: 𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓮 𝓪 𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲𝓽𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮 𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓸𝓵𝓸𝓰𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓣𝓻𝓲𝓫𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓵, 𝓷𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓵𝓸́𝓰𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓷𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓮-𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓷𝓪. 𝓔 𝓱𝓪́ 𝓪𝓵𝓰𝓾𝓶 𝓻𝓲𝓼𝓬𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓿𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓮 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓶 𝓪 𝓮𝓷𝓯𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻 𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓻𝓾𝓽𝓲́𝓷𝓲𝓸 𝓹𝓾́𝓫𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓸.

* Professora da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de Lisboa

IN "EXPRESSO" -01/03/21

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