Como lidar com
a extrema-direita.
Lições da Alemanha
O PSD insiste num duplo erro – ideológico e estratégico. Posiciona-se
num território que vai contra os valores fundacionais do partido, afasta
um eleitorado moderado ao centro, inibe o voto útil, porque fica a
ideia de que, ao fim do dia, todos vão acabar por se entender
𝓞 𝓷𝓸𝓶𝓮 𝓗𝓪𝓷𝓼-𝓖𝓮𝓸𝓻𝓰 𝓜𝓪𝓪ß𝓮𝓷 𝓭𝓲𝔃 𝓹𝓸𝓾𝓬𝓸 𝓪𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓾𝓰𝓾𝓮𝓼𝓮𝓼, 𝓶𝓪𝓼 𝓮́ 𝓾𝓶 𝓫𝓸𝓶 𝓬𝓪𝓼𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓾𝓭𝓸 𝓼𝓸𝓫𝓻𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓻 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝔁𝓽𝓻𝓮𝓶𝓪𝓼-𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪𝓼. 𝓔𝔁𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓵𝓲𝓯𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓮 𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓬𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓪𝓼-𝓬𝓻𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪̃𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓪 𝓒𝓓𝓤 𝓮 𝓪 𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪 𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓵 𝓭𝓪 𝓐𝓯𝓓, 𝓪 𝓪𝓾𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓷𝓸𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓭𝓪 𝓪𝓵𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓪𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓪 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓪 𝓐𝓵𝓮𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓱𝓪. 𝓜𝓪𝓪ß𝓮𝓷, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓿𝓲𝓾 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓬𝓱𝓮𝓯𝓮 𝓭𝓪 𝓪𝓰𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓲𝓷𝓯𝓸𝓻𝓶𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓪 𝓪𝓵𝓮𝓶𝓪̃, 𝓮́ 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓯𝓲𝓰𝓾𝓻𝓪𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓯𝓻𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓶 𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓕𝓻𝓪𝓾 𝓜𝓮𝓻𝓴𝓮𝓵 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓾 𝓭𝓲𝓵𝓮𝓶𝓪 𝓮𝔁𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓵 𝓮 𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓸𝓵𝓸́𝓰𝓲𝓬𝓸: 𝓪𝓽𝓮́ 𝓸𝓷𝓭𝓮, 𝓪̀ 𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪, 𝓭𝓮𝓿𝓮 𝓲𝓻 𝓾𝓶 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓸-𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪?
𝓓𝓮𝓹𝓸𝓲𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓬𝓵𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓮́𝓶𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓼 𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓪𝓾𝓽𝓸𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓪𝓼 𝓮 𝓾𝓵𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓿𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓻𝓪𝓼 𝓮 𝓭𝓮 𝓽𝓮𝓻 𝓬𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓭𝓸, 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟏𝟖, 𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓲́𝓼 𝓮𝓶 𝓻𝓮𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓪̀ 𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓬̧𝓪 𝓮 𝓪𝓸𝓼 𝓻𝓮𝓯𝓾𝓰𝓲𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓻𝓸𝓾 “𝓲𝓷𝓰𝓮́𝓷𝓾𝓪𝓼 𝓮 𝓭𝓮 𝓮𝓼𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓻𝓭𝓪”, 𝓯𝓸𝓲 𝓯𝓸𝓻𝓬̧𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓪 𝓼𝓪𝓲𝓻 𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓪𝓭𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓪. 𝓔𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟏, 𝓪 𝓾𝓷𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓵𝓸𝓬𝓪𝓵 𝓭𝓪 𝓒𝓓𝓤 𝓷𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓣𝓾𝓻𝓲́𝓷𝓰𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮𝓬𝓲𝓭𝓲𝓾 𝓷𝓸𝓶𝓮𝓪́-𝓵𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓬𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓽𝓸 𝓪𝓸 𝓑𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓰 𝓷𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓫𝓻𝓸. 𝓐 𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓲𝓪 𝓮𝓻𝓪 𝓾𝓼𝓪́-𝓵𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓿𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓪 𝓐𝓯𝓓, 𝓷𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓾𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸 “𝓬𝓪𝓽𝓬𝓱-𝓪𝓵𝓵” 𝓪𝓸 𝓬𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓸 (𝓥𝓸𝓵𝓴𝓼𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓮𝓲, 𝓷𝓪 𝓰𝓲́𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓪𝓵𝓮𝓶𝓪̃, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓼𝓲𝓰𝓷𝓲𝓯𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓿𝓸), 𝓪𝓸 𝓭𝓮𝓲𝔁𝓪𝓻-𝓼𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓪𝓲𝓻 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓸 𝓵𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓮 𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓾𝓶𝓲𝓻 𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓲𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓲𝓼, 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓪 𝓲𝓶𝓹𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓻 𝓸 𝓬𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓮𝔁𝓽𝓻𝓮𝓶𝓪-𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪. 𝓐𝓹𝓮𝓼𝓪𝓻 𝓭𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓪̂𝓷𝓭𝓪𝓵𝓸 𝓮 𝓭𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸, 𝓯𝓸𝓲 𝓪 𝓿𝓸𝓽𝓸𝓼. 𝓔 𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓲𝓾 𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓮𝓼 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓾𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓮 𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓪𝓰𝓶𝓪𝓽𝓲𝓼𝓶𝓸: 𝓗𝓪𝓷𝓼-𝓖𝓮𝓸𝓻𝓰 𝓜𝓪𝓪ß𝓮𝓷 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓯𝓸𝓲 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓸. 𝓒𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓲𝓷𝓾𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓷𝓪 𝓼𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓪 𝓮𝔁𝓽𝓻𝓮𝓶𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪, 𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓹𝓸𝓲𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓲𝔃𝓮𝓻 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓱𝓪𝓿𝓲𝓪 “𝓻𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓼𝓶𝓸 𝓮𝓵𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓽𝓸́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪 𝓸𝓼 𝓫𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓬𝓸𝓼 𝓷𝓪 𝓮𝓼𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓪 𝓶𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓪́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪”, 𝓪 𝓹𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓰𝓸𝓽𝓸𝓾-𝓼𝓮 𝓱𝓪́ 𝓭𝓾𝓪𝓼 𝓼𝓮𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓪𝓼, 𝓮 𝓪 𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓬̧𝓪 𝓭𝓪 𝓒𝓓𝓤 𝓪𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓿𝓸𝓾 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓾𝓷𝓪𝓷𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓸𝓵𝓾𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓪 𝓼𝓾𝓪 𝓼𝓪𝓲́𝓭𝓪.
𝓟𝓻𝓮𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓮 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓻 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓮 𝓽𝓮𝔁𝓽𝓸? 𝓤𝓽𝓲𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓮 𝓪𝓼 𝓯𝓮𝓻𝓻𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓵𝓱𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮𝓷𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪 𝓷𝓪 𝓹𝓪́𝓰𝓲𝓷𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓰𝓸. 𝓣𝓸𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓾́𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓪 𝓥𝓘𝓢𝓐̃𝓞 𝓼𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓽𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓓𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓐𝓾𝓽𝓸𝓻 𝓪𝓸 𝓪𝓫𝓻𝓲𝓰𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓼𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓾𝓰𝓾𝓮𝓼𝓪. 𝓐𝓹𝓸𝓲𝓮 𝓸 𝓳𝓸𝓻𝓷𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓼𝓶𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮, 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓵𝓱𝓮 𝓿𝓲𝓸𝓵𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓓𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓐𝓾𝓽𝓸𝓻.
𝓱𝓽𝓽𝓹𝓼://𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓪𝓸.𝓼𝓪𝓹𝓸.𝓹𝓽/𝓸𝓹𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓪𝓸/𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓻𝓲𝓪𝓵/𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟑-𝟎𝟐-𝟏𝟔-𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸-𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓻-𝓬𝓸𝓶-𝓪-𝓮𝔁𝓽𝓻𝓮𝓶𝓪-𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪-𝓵𝓲𝓬𝓸𝓮𝓼-𝓭𝓪-𝓪𝓵𝓮𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓱𝓪-𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓻𝓲𝓪𝓵-𝓭𝓮-𝓶𝓪𝓯𝓪𝓵𝓭𝓪-𝓪𝓷𝓳𝓸𝓼/
𝓐 𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓮́ 𝓺𝓾𝓮, 𝓭𝓾𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓪 𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓬̧𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓐𝓷𝓰𝓮𝓵𝓪 𝓜𝓮𝓻𝓴𝓮𝓵, 𝓮 𝓽𝓪𝓶𝓫𝓮́𝓶 𝓭𝓮𝓹𝓸𝓲𝓼 𝓭𝓮𝓵𝓪, 𝓪 𝓒𝓓𝓤 𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓿𝓮-𝓼𝓮 𝓯𝓲𝓻𝓶𝓮 𝓷𝓪 𝓫𝓪𝓻𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓻𝓪 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓼𝓹𝓸𝓷𝓲́𝓿𝓮𝓵 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓸𝓬𝓸𝓾 𝓪 𝓼𝓮𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪́-𝓵𝓪 𝓭𝓪 𝓐𝓯𝓓: 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪 𝓪̀ 𝓶𝓮𝓼𝓪 𝓷𝓮𝓶 𝓯𝓪𝔃 𝓪𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓵𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓻 𝓽𝓲𝓹𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓪 𝓮𝔁𝓽𝓻𝓮𝓶𝓪-𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪. 𝓠𝓾𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸, 𝓷𝓪 𝓶𝓮𝓼𝓶𝓪 𝓣𝓾𝓻𝓲́𝓷𝓰𝓲𝓪, 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟎, 𝓪 𝓒𝓓𝓤 𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓮𝓫𝓮𝓾 𝓸 𝓪𝓹𝓸𝓲𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓮𝔁𝓽𝓻𝓮𝓶𝓪-𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪 𝓷𝓪 𝓿𝓸𝓽𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓻 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓶𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓾 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓮𝓻 𝓣𝓱𝓸𝓶𝓪𝓼 𝓚𝓮𝓶𝓶𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓬𝓱, 𝓶𝓮𝓼𝓶𝓸 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓮𝓶 𝓬𝓪𝓾𝓼𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓲𝓼𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓻 𝓷𝓮𝓰𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓸𝓾 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓶𝓲𝓼𝓼𝓸𝓼, 𝓜𝓮𝓻𝓴𝓮𝓵 𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓾𝓼𝓸𝓾 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓾 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓮 𝓷𝓪 𝓯𝓸𝓻𝓶𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓮 𝓰𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓸, 𝓮 𝓚𝓮𝓶𝓶𝓮𝓻𝓲𝓬𝓱 𝓭𝓮𝓶𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓾-𝓼𝓮 𝓹𝓸𝓾𝓬𝓸 𝓭𝓮𝓹𝓸𝓲𝓼. 𝓐 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓮́𝓰𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓪 “𝓯𝓲𝓻𝓮𝔀𝓪𝓵𝓵” 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪 𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮́ 𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓾𝓶 𝓿𝓲́𝓻𝓾𝓼 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓾𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓸 𝓭𝓪 𝓭𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓬𝓻𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓪 𝓮́, 𝓷𝓪 𝓐𝓵𝓮𝓶𝓪𝓷𝓱𝓪, 𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓪́𝓿𝓮𝓵. 𝓔 𝓭𝓮𝓾 𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓾𝓵𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸𝓼: 𝓪 𝓐𝓯𝓓 𝓽𝓲𝓷𝓱𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓲𝓭𝓸, 𝓷𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓰𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟏𝟕, 𝓬𝓱𝓮𝓰𝓪𝓻 𝓪𝓸 𝓟𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓬𝓮𝓲𝓻𝓪 𝓯𝓸𝓻𝓬̧𝓪 𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪, 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝟏𝟐,𝟔%, 𝓶𝓪𝓼 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓮𝓾, 𝓮𝓶 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟏, 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓵𝓾𝓰𝓪𝓻, 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝟏𝟎,𝟐%.
𝓜𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝟐 𝟕𝟎𝟎 𝓺𝓾𝓲𝓵𝓸́𝓶𝓮𝓽𝓻𝓸𝓼 𝓮 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓮𝓷𝓸𝓻𝓶𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓸𝓻𝓲𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓮́𝓰𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓼𝓮𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓶 𝓛𝓲𝓼𝓫𝓸𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓑𝓮𝓻𝓵𝓲𝓶.
𝓟𝓸𝓻 𝓬𝓪́, 𝓪𝓹𝓸́𝓼 𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓸-𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪 𝓽𝓮𝓻 𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓸𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓪𝓫𝓼𝓸𝓵𝓾𝓽𝓪 𝓪𝓸 𝓟𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓢𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪, 𝓮𝓶 𝓰𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓮 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓮 𝓭𝓮𝓿𝓲𝓭𝓸 𝓪̀ 𝓪𝓶𝓫𝓲𝓰𝓾𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓶𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓸𝓾 𝓮𝓶 𝓻𝓮𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓪𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓲𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓸 𝓮 𝓯𝓾𝓽𝓾𝓻𝓸𝓼 𝓪𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓪 𝓮𝔁𝓽𝓻𝓮𝓶𝓪-𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪, 𝓶𝓾𝓭𝓪𝓶-𝓼𝓮 𝓪𝓼 𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓬̧𝓪𝓼, 𝓶𝓪𝓼 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓶𝓾𝓭𝓪 𝓪 𝓪𝓶𝓫𝓲𝓰𝓾𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮. 𝓐𝓵𝓲𝓪́𝓼, 𝓪𝓰𝓻𝓪𝓿𝓪-𝓼𝓮. 𝓢𝓪𝓲 𝓡𝓾𝓲 𝓡𝓲𝓸, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓶𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓾 𝓾𝓶 𝓪𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓰𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓷𝓸𝓼 𝓐𝓬̧𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓸 𝓒𝓱𝓮𝓰𝓪, 𝓮 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪 𝓛𝓾𝓲́𝓼 𝓜𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓮𝓰𝓻𝓸, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪𝓻𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓬𝓪, 𝓷𝓸 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓬𝓾𝓻𝓼𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓪𝓰𝓻𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸, 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓹𝓪𝓵𝓪𝓿𝓻𝓪𝓼 𝓮𝓼𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓱𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓪 𝓭𝓮𝓭𝓸 – 𝓪𝓯𝓪𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸-𝓼𝓮 𝓭𝓮 “𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓼 𝔁𝓮𝓷𝓸́𝓯𝓸𝓫𝓪𝓼 𝓮 𝓻𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪𝓼”, 𝓶𝓪𝓼 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓬𝓵𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓭𝓮 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓮 𝓰𝓮́𝓷𝓮𝓻𝓸. 𝓢𝓮𝓽𝓮 𝓶𝓮𝓼𝓮𝓼 𝓿𝓸𝓵𝓿𝓲𝓭𝓸𝓼, 𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓾𝓼𝓸𝓾-𝓼𝓮 𝓪 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓬̧𝓪𝓻 𝓵𝓲𝓷𝓱𝓪𝓼 𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓶𝓮𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓼, 𝓪𝓻𝓰𝓾𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓬𝓾𝓽𝓲𝓻 𝓸 𝓽𝓮𝓶𝓪 – 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓼𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓲𝓷𝓬𝓲́𝓹𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓸𝓵𝓸́𝓰𝓲𝓬𝓸𝓼 𝓮 𝓿𝓪𝓵𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓯𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓸𝓫𝓮𝓭𝓮𝓬𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓮𝓶 𝓪 𝓬𝓪𝓵𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓵𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓸𝓼. 𝓔 𝓬𝓻𝓲𝓸𝓾 𝓸 𝓰𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓭𝓮 𝓽𝓪𝓫𝓾 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓸 𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓲𝓻𝓪́ 𝓭𝓲𝓪𝓻𝓲𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 𝓪 𝓬𝓪𝓭𝓪 𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓲𝓽𝓪, 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓿𝓮𝓷𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓸𝓾 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓮𝓿𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓪. 𝓐𝓭𝓶𝓲𝓽𝓮 𝓪𝓬𝓸𝓻𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓸 𝓒𝓱𝓮𝓰𝓪, 𝓼𝓲𝓶 𝓸𝓾 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸? 𝓔, 𝓼𝓮 𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓬𝓵𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮 “𝓷𝓪̃𝓸”, 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓮́ “𝓼𝓲𝓶”.
𝓐 𝓼𝓾𝓫𝓲𝓭𝓪 𝓭𝓸 𝓒𝓱𝓮𝓰𝓪 𝓷𝓪𝓼 𝓼𝓸𝓷𝓭𝓪𝓰𝓮𝓷𝓼, 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓺𝓾𝓪𝓼𝓮 𝟏𝟓%, 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓾𝓶 𝓟𝓢𝓓 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓮 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓮 𝓲𝓶𝓹𝓸𝓻, 𝓯𝓮𝔃 𝓸 𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓸: 𝓜𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓮𝓰𝓻𝓸 𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓬𝓮𝓫𝓮𝓾 𝓺𝓾𝓮, 𝓼𝓮𝓶 𝓸 𝓒𝓱𝓮𝓰𝓪, 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓼𝓮𝓻𝓪́ 𝓬𝓪𝓹𝓪𝔃 𝓭𝓮 𝓰𝓸𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓷𝓪𝓻. 𝓔 𝓹𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓸𝓾 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓪 𝓼𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓪 𝓯𝓪𝓼𝓮 𝓭𝓮 𝓽𝓲𝓻𝓸 𝓷𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓮́𝓼: 𝓪 𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓽𝓲𝓿𝓪, 𝓿𝓸𝓵𝓾𝓷𝓽𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓸𝓾 𝓲𝓷𝓿𝓸𝓵𝓾𝓷𝓽𝓪́𝓻𝓲𝓪, 𝓭𝓮 𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓵𝓲𝔃𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓬𝓾𝓻𝓼𝓸, 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓽𝓸𝓶𝓪𝓭𝓪𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓲𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓶𝓾𝓲𝓽𝓸 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓪̀ 𝓭𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓪 𝓭𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪 𝓶𝓪𝓽𝓻𝓲𝔃 𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓸𝓵𝓸́𝓰𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓼𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓵-𝓭𝓮𝓶𝓸𝓬𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓪. 𝓔𝓶 𝓶𝓪𝓽𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓰𝓻𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸, 𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓻 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓾𝓶 𝓹𝓪𝓲́𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓮𝓶𝓲𝓰𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓟𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓾𝓰𝓪𝓵 𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓮𝓫𝓪 𝓸𝓼 𝓸𝓾𝓽𝓻𝓸𝓼 “𝓭𝓮 𝓯𝓸𝓻𝓶𝓪 𝓻𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓵𝓪𝓭𝓪” 𝓮 𝓪𝓹𝓸́𝓼 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓮𝓼𝓹𝓮́𝓬𝓲𝓮 𝓭𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓯𝓲𝓷𝓪, 𝓭𝓮𝓹𝓸𝓲𝓼 𝓭𝓮 “𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓬𝓾𝓻𝓪𝓻 𝓹𝓮𝓵𝓸 𝓶𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓸” 𝓪𝓼 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓾𝓷𝓲𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓼𝓪𝓶 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓰𝓲𝓻 𝓶𝓮𝓵𝓱𝓸𝓻 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓾𝓰𝓾𝓮𝓼𝓮𝓼. 𝓒𝓸𝓶𝓹𝓵𝓮𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓒𝓪𝓻𝓵𝓸𝓼 𝓜𝓸𝓮𝓭𝓪𝓼, 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓹𝓮𝓭𝓲𝓾 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓲𝓷𝓰𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓼 𝓮 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓪 𝓷𝓸 𝓟𝓪𝓲́𝓼 “𝓼𝓸́ 𝓬𝓸𝓶 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓸”. 𝓐̀ 𝓻𝓮𝓿𝓮𝓵𝓲𝓪, 𝓷𝓸𝓽𝓮-𝓼𝓮, 𝓭𝓸 𝓲𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓮 𝓷𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵, 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓬𝓲𝓼𝓪𝓶𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓮 𝓲𝓶𝓲𝓰𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓿𝓮𝓷𝓱𝓪𝓶 𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓯𝓲𝓺𝓾𝓮𝓶, 𝓳𝓪́ 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓪 𝓹𝓸𝓹𝓾𝓵𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪́ 𝓪 𝓬𝓪𝓲𝓻, 𝓯𝓪𝓵𝓽𝓪 𝓶𝓪̃𝓸 𝓭𝓮 𝓸𝓫𝓻𝓪 𝓮𝓶 𝓬𝓮𝓻𝓽𝓪𝓼 𝓯𝓾𝓷𝓬̧𝓸̃𝓮𝓼 𝓮 𝓪 𝓢𝓮𝓰𝓾𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓬̧𝓪 𝓢𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓵 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓪́ 𝓪̀ 𝓶𝓲́𝓷𝓰𝓾𝓪. 𝓙𝓪́ 𝓮𝓶 𝓶𝓪𝓽𝓮́𝓻𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓪𝓹𝓸𝓲𝓸𝓼 𝓼𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓪𝓲𝓼, 𝓜𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓮𝓰𝓻𝓸 𝓯𝓸𝓲 𝓷𝓪 𝓶𝓮𝓼𝓶𝓪 𝓿𝓲𝓪: 𝓹𝓻𝓸𝓬𝓵𝓪𝓶𝓸𝓾 𝓺𝓾𝓮 “𝓮́ 𝓲𝓶𝓸𝓻𝓪𝓵 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓼𝓸𝓬𝓲𝓮𝓭𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓸𝓷𝓭𝓮 𝓪𝓼 𝓹𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓸𝓪𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓶 𝓬𝓱𝓮𝓰𝓪𝓶 𝓪𝓸 𝓯𝓲𝓶 𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓮̂𝓼 𝓮 𝓰𝓪𝓷𝓱𝓪𝓶 𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓸𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓹𝓮𝓼𝓼𝓸𝓪𝓼 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓵𝓱𝓪𝓶”. 𝓢𝓮 𝓼𝓸𝓪 𝓪 𝓬𝓻𝓲́𝓽𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪 𝓪𝓵𝓮𝓰𝓪𝓭𝓪 𝓼𝓾𝓫𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓲𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓹𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓮̂𝓷𝓬𝓲𝓪, 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓮́ 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓪𝓬𝓪𝓼𝓸. “𝓢𝓮 𝓷𝓪̃𝓸 𝓸𝓼 𝓹𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓼 𝓿𝓮𝓷𝓬𝓮𝓻, 𝓬𝓸𝓵𝓸𝓬𝓪-𝓽𝓮 𝓷𝓸 𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓻𝓮𝓷𝓸 𝓭𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓼”, 𝓹𝓮𝓷𝓼𝓪𝓻𝓪́ 𝓪 𝓵𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓬̧𝓪 𝓵𝓪𝓻𝓪𝓷𝓳𝓪. 𝓜𝓪𝓼, 𝓬𝓸𝓶𝓸 𝓭𝓲𝔃 𝓸 𝓟𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮, 𝓪 𝓬𝓸́𝓹𝓲𝓪 𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓭𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓶𝓹𝓻𝓮 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓪 𝓸 𝓸𝓻𝓲𝓰𝓲𝓷𝓪𝓵.
𝓝𝓪𝓭𝓪 𝓶𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓮𝓻𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓸. 𝓞 𝓟𝓢𝓓 𝓲𝓷𝓼𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮 𝓷𝓾𝓶 𝓭𝓾𝓹𝓵𝓸 𝓮𝓻𝓻𝓸 – 𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓸𝓵𝓸́𝓰𝓲𝓬𝓸 𝓮 𝓮𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓮́𝓰𝓲𝓬𝓸. 𝓟𝓸𝓼𝓲𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪-𝓼𝓮 𝓷𝓾𝓶 𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓸́𝓻𝓲𝓸 𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓿𝓪𝓲 𝓬𝓸𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓪 𝓸𝓼 𝓿𝓪𝓵𝓸𝓻𝓮𝓼 𝓯𝓾𝓷𝓭𝓪𝓬𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓲𝓼 𝓭𝓸 𝓹𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓲𝓭𝓸, 𝓪𝓯𝓪𝓼𝓽𝓪 𝓾𝓶 𝓮𝓵𝓮𝓲𝓽𝓸𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓶𝓸𝓭𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓸 𝓪𝓸 𝓬𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓻𝓸, 𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓫𝓮 𝓸 𝓿𝓸𝓽𝓸 𝓾́𝓽𝓲𝓵, 𝓹𝓸𝓻𝓺𝓾𝓮 𝓯𝓲𝓬𝓪 𝓪 𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓲𝓪 𝓭𝓮 𝓺𝓾𝓮, 𝓪𝓸 𝓯𝓲𝓶 𝓭𝓸 𝓭𝓲𝓪, 𝓽𝓸𝓭𝓸𝓼 𝓿𝓪̃𝓸 𝓪𝓬𝓪𝓫𝓪𝓻 𝓹𝓸𝓻 𝓼𝓮 𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓭𝓮𝓻. 𝓒𝓪𝓲𝓻 𝓷𝓸 𝓮𝓻𝓻𝓸 𝓾𝓶𝓪 𝓿𝓮𝔃 𝓹𝓸𝓭𝓮 𝓼𝓮𝓻 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓬̧𝓪̃𝓸; 𝓬𝓪𝓲𝓻 𝓭𝓾𝓪𝓼 𝓮́ 𝓵𝓸𝓾𝓬𝓾𝓻𝓪.
IN "VISÃO"- 16/02/23 .
Sem comentários:
Enviar um comentário