JONUEL GONÇALVES

 .

O modelo 7 de Setembro

de independência

𝖠 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅, 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝟩 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟪𝟤𝟤, 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗌𝗈𝖻 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖠𝗆𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌. 𝖲𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗎 𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺, 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈, 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗋 𝖺̀ 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾̂𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗈̂𝗋 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖺̀ 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺.

𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗈 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖺, 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗂́𝗍𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖺́𝗋𝗊𝗎𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅. 𝖴𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅, 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 "𝗋𝖾𝗒𝗇𝗈́𝗂𝗌", 𝗈𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺, "𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌" 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖳𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾-𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝖾 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌𝖺.

𝖠 𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗍𝗂́𝗍𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝗈 𝟩 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟪𝟤𝟤.

𝖱𝖾𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆, 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗇𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗅𝖾́𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝗋𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗃𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺. 𝖮 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖮𝗎𝗋𝗈 𝖯𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗈 - 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖨𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 - 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗋 𝖾́, 𝗇𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌. 𝖳𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗋𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾̂𝗌 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂́𝖺𝗆 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈. 𝖯𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗂 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋, 𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈.

𝖮 𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗂𝗎 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝗂𝖼𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂́𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗌. 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈, 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝖿𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋-𝗌𝖾-𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝗂𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 "𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺" 𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗏𝗎𝗅𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖺 "𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗉𝖺" 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗈̂𝖺. 𝖣𝖺𝗂́ 𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖾𝗅𝖾 𝖾, 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗈𝖼𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌.

𝖮 𝗍𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖣𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 "𝟣𝟩𝟪𝟫 - 𝖠 𝖧𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅" (𝖣𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺:𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟤) 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗈̃𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖳𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗎𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈. 𝖮 𝖺𝗅𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗌.

𝖠 𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝗋𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖳𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖠𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺𝗂𝗍𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖺, 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝖱𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾́𝗆 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝖾, 𝗇𝖺 𝖡𝖺𝗁𝗂𝖺, 𝖾𝖼𝗅𝗈𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟩𝟫𝟪 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗈 - 𝗌𝗈𝖻 𝗏𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝗂𝗍𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 - 𝖺 "𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝗁𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖺" 𝗈𝗎 "𝖱𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝖿𝖺𝗂𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗌".

𝖮 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 "𝖮 𝖲𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺" (𝖫𝗂𝗆𝖺, 𝖲𝖼𝗁𝗐𝖺𝗋𝖼𝗓, 𝖲𝗍𝗎𝗆𝗉𝖿: 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟤 ), 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟪𝟣𝟩 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 "𝗈 𝗎́𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂́𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈" 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅: "𝖺 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅, 𝖾́ 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈, 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖾, 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗈𝖼𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖮 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖣. 𝖩𝗈𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗈𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂́𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾." (𝗂𝖻𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗆).

𝖠 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝖳𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝖼𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗃𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗂́𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌.

𝖴𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝗈 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈: 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗋𝖾 𝖩𝗈𝗌𝖾́ 𝖱𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈. 𝖢𝗈𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺́𝗌, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌: 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌. 𝖭𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖾́𝗉𝗈𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗈 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 "𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖺́𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗌" 𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗏𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝗎 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋 - 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝖠𝗆𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖫𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺 - 𝖺̀ 𝖳𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖫𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖭𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖡𝗂𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅 (𝖢𝖭𝖡𝖡) 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖺̀𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂́𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌.

𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗎 𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝖼𝗎𝗃𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂́𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖾, 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌, 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺.

𝖠 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖿𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗎 𝖺̀ 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺𝗌. 𝖠𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 (𝖣𝖺𝗍𝖺𝖿𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺: 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟤) 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟧𝟢% 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝖻𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺, 𝖽𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝖽𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌.

𝖠 𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖷𝖨𝖷. 𝖣𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖻-𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾.

𝖭𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 - 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗊𝗎𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺 - 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗂𝗑𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈: 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺. 𝖮 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺, 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟪𝟤𝟢 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝖺𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖫𝗂𝗌𝖻𝗈𝖺. 𝖳𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈. 

𝖣𝖾 𝖫𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝖭𝗈𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖦𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖿𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌

𝖠𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆, 𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟪𝟤𝟣 𝖺̀ 𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈. 𝖣. 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗎 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗅𝖾, 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖺𝗂́ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖾 𝖻𝗎𝗌𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖮𝗌 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗎𝗂́𝖺𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖳𝗁𝗈𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖩𝖾𝖿𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗇, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾-𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌𝖺. 𝖠𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆, 𝖺 𝖨𝗇𝗀𝗅𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗎𝗂́𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗅-𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝗈 𝖱𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗊𝗎𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂́𝖺𝖼𝖺, 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖿𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗓 𝖫𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺, 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖣. 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈.

𝖮 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖬𝖺𝗋𝗌𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗈 𝖢𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗍𝗍𝗂 "𝖠 𝖻𝗂𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖿𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖫𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺 - 𝖠 𝖨𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗓 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗎 𝖺 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅" (𝗌𝗎𝖻-𝗍𝗂́𝗍𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈) 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖻𝗒 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗋𝖼𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂́𝖺𝖼𝗈, 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝖺𝗂, 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖵𝗂𝖾𝗇𝖺 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖾𝖼̧𝖺 𝖬𝖾𝗍𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗁, 𝖿𝗂𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺, 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌-𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗋𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖺𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈̂𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗈.

𝖠 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖫𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂́𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝖵𝗂𝖾𝗇𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖨𝗆𝗉𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺 𝟣𝟪𝟤𝟤 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗆𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌. 𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾́ 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 "𝖲𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺", 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺 𝖠𝗇𝗀𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺, 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺, 𝖠𝗇𝗀𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗎𝗂́𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺.

𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗎 𝖾𝗆 𝖠𝗇𝗀𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺, 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝖿𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺.

𝖫𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝖾𝗓 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖻𝗒 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅, 𝖿𝖾𝗓 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖽𝗈, 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗌 𝗁𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅. 𝖭𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖻𝗒 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝗈𝗌𝖾́ 𝖡𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗈, 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖣. 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖢𝖺𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺.

𝖠𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖡𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗎 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂́𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗎𝗆𝗂𝗎 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗅𝖾 𝖺 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝖡𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗎𝗓𝗂𝗋 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗁𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟪𝟣𝟩. 𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂́𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗋𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌, 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖺𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗎́𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝖽𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖧𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖾, 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗉𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌.

𝖮 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟪𝟤𝟤 𝖾́ 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈. 𝖣. 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖦𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝖬𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖬𝖺𝖼̧𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖱𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖬𝖺𝖼̧𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺. 𝖭𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗆𝖾̂𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺 𝖲𝖺̃𝗈 𝖯𝖺𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗂𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝖿𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆.

𝖫𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗅𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂́𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖲𝖺̃𝗈 𝖯𝖺𝗎𝗅𝗈, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗎 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖱𝗂𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝗎𝗅𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖠 𝟤 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝗈𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖡𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖿𝖾𝗓 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅, 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖫𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾.

𝖠 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗂𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗈 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖢𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝖫𝗂𝗌𝖻𝗈𝖺. 𝖮 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗅𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖼𝗁𝗈 𝖨𝗉𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝟩 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈, 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝗉𝗅𝖺 𝖫𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺-𝖡𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝗈 𝖱𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈.

𝖮 𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖻𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺, 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖠𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟤 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗎𝖻𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗈𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈. 𝖭𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖿𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗆𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗋𝗀𝗂𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝖻𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝖺𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅: 𝗍𝗋𝖾̂𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌, 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 (𝗈𝗎 𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 "𝗂́𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗈𝗌"), 𝗎𝗆 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗈.

"𝖣𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈", 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗂́𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺: 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖾̂𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗁𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖯𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗎𝖼𝗈, 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝗃𝖺́ 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈𝗎, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗌. 𝖲𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗎𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖷𝖵𝖨𝖨, 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺́𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅, 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈-𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖶𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖾𝖿𝖺́𝗅𝗂𝖺.

𝖭𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗌 - 𝖾 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 - 𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺, 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺́𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺, 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖿𝖺𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗎.

𝖠𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖢𝖺𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖧𝖺𝖻𝗌𝖻𝗎𝗋𝗀𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂́𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗌.

𝖠 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝗈𝗌𝖾́ 𝖡𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂́𝗈𝖽𝗈 - 𝖣. 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈-𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 - 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗍𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝗈𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗍𝖺. 𝖣. 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺, 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅. 𝖠𝗍𝖾́ 𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖬𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗍𝗍𝗂 (𝗂𝖻𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗆), 𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌.

𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋, 𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟪𝟥𝟢, 𝖾𝗆 𝖲𝖺̃𝗈 𝖯𝖺𝗎𝗅𝗈, 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝗃𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖫𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗋𝗈́, 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗃𝖺𝖼𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾̂𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖼̧𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟪𝟥𝟣 𝗇𝖺 𝖭𝗈𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖦𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖿𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆, 𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖱𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖣. 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺, 𝗇𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝗎𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖧𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖠𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟥 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾.

𝖬𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝖾̂𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝖺𝗌 "𝗀𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖿𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌", 𝖾𝗆 𝟩 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟪𝟥𝟣, 𝖣. 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖨 𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖣. 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖨𝖵 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅.

𝖭𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈 "𝖠 𝖨𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖬𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗆 𝖵𝖺𝗓" 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗂 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖱𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖽𝖺 "𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝗁𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖺",𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝟩 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗇𝖿𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗎𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗑𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗃𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌. 𝖴𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖨𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖲𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖱𝗈𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖺̃𝗈 𝖡𝖾𝗇𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖧𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗌 𝖯𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖱𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈.

𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝖺 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟪𝟤𝟧, 𝗌𝗈𝖻 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖮 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝗎𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 (𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆) 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗊𝗎𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺, 𝗈 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗓𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗂́𝖽𝖺𝗌. 𝖮 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝗈-𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂́𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺.

* Jonuel (José Manuel) Gonçalves. Lutou pela independência e democratização de Angola, portanto, teve a maior parte da existência dividida entre o combate clandestino e os exílios. Aproveitou estes para, aos solavancos, chegar até ao mestrado. Quando o fim das guerras angolanas do século XX permitiu, fez o doutoramento. A partir daí dedicou-se à docência (agora numa universidade brasileira), a escrever coisas diferentes das que escrevia nos anos de chumbo e a nomadizar entre África, Brasil e Portugal. Publicou livros de não ficção, Franco Atiradores, A Economia ao longo da História de Angola (editados em Angola); e de ficção Café Gelado e Relato de Guerra Extrema (editados em Angola e no Brasil).

IN "DIÁRIO DE NOTÍCIAS" - 07/09/22 .