MARIA MANUEL ROLA

 .

Onde param os herdeiros

de Assunção Cristas?

Não poderia haver melhor exemplo de política para quem acredita no livre mercado: contratos de arrendamento sem período mínimo de duração, introdução de contratos temporários de meses e rendas a subir de forma exorbitante em paralelo com os despejos da população idosa.

𝒩𝒾𝓃𝑔𝓊𝑒́𝓂 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝑒𝒸𝑒 𝓆𝓊𝑒𝓇𝑒𝓇 𝓈𝑒𝓇 𝑜 𝒽𝑒𝓇𝒹𝑒𝒾𝓇𝑜 𝒹𝒶 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓏𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝒶 ℒ𝑒𝒾 𝒹𝒶𝓈 ℛ𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒜𝓈𝓈𝓊𝓃𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒞𝓇𝒾𝓈𝓉𝒶𝓈 𝒾𝓂𝓅𝑜̂𝓈 𝑒𝓂 𝟸𝟶𝟷𝟸. 𝒜𝓁𝒾𝒶́𝓈, 𝓆𝓊𝑒𝓇 𝒫𝒮𝒟, 𝓆𝓊𝑒𝓇 𝒞𝒟𝒮, 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝑒𝒸𝑒𝓂 𝓆𝓊𝑒𝓇𝑒𝓇 𝑒𝓈𝓆𝓊𝑒𝒸𝑒𝓇 𝑒𝓈𝓈𝑒 𝓅𝒶𝓈𝓈𝒶𝒹𝑜. 𝒩𝒶̃𝑜 𝑜 𝑒𝓋𝑜𝒸𝒶𝓂 𝓃𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝒾𝓈𝒸𝓊𝓈𝓈𝑜̃𝑒𝓈 𝒸𝑜𝓂𝑜 𝑒𝓍𝑒𝓂𝓅𝓁𝑜 𝒹𝒶 𝓅𝑜𝓁𝒾́𝓉𝒾𝒸𝒶 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒹𝑒𝒻𝑒𝓃𝒹𝑒𝓂. ℰ 𝓃𝑒𝓂 𝑜𝓈 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝓂𝑜𝒹𝑒𝓇𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝑜𝓊 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝓈𝑒𝓇𝓋𝒶𝒹𝑜𝓇𝑒𝓈 𝒹𝒶 𝓊𝓁𝓉𝓇𝒶 𝒹𝒾𝓇𝑒𝒾𝓉𝒶 𝒶 𝓇𝑒𝒾𝓋𝒾𝓃𝒹𝒾𝒸𝒶𝓂. ℰ, 𝓃𝑜 𝑒𝓃𝓉𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑜, 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝓅𝑜𝒹𝑒𝓇𝒾𝒶 𝒽𝒶𝓋𝑒𝓇 𝓂𝑒𝓁𝒽𝑜𝓇 𝑒𝓍𝑒𝓂𝓅𝓁𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓅𝑜𝓁𝒾́𝓉𝒾𝒸𝒶 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝓆𝓊𝑒𝓂 𝒶𝒸𝓇𝑒𝒹𝒾𝓉𝒶 𝓃𝑜 𝓁𝒾𝓋𝓇𝑒 𝓂𝑒𝓇𝒸𝒶𝒹𝑜: 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝓉𝓇𝒶𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝓈𝑒𝓂 𝓅𝑒𝓇𝒾́𝑜𝒹𝑜 𝓂𝒾́𝓃𝒾𝓂𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝒹𝓊𝓇𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜, 𝒾𝓃𝓉𝓇𝑜𝒹𝓊𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝓉𝓇𝒶𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝓉𝑒𝓂𝓅𝑜𝓇𝒶́𝓇𝒾𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝓂𝑒𝓈𝑒𝓈 𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝒶 𝓈𝓊𝒷𝒾𝓇 𝒹𝑒 𝒻𝑜𝓇𝓂𝒶 𝑒𝓍𝑜𝓇𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑒 𝑒𝓂 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶𝓁𝑒𝓁𝑜 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝓅𝑒𝒿𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝒶 𝓅𝑜𝓅𝓊𝓁𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒾𝒹𝑜𝓈𝒶 𝓃𝑜 𝒸𝑒𝓃𝓉𝓇𝑜 𝒹𝑜 𝒫𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑜 𝑒 ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶, 𝓅𝓇𝒾𝓃𝒸𝒾𝓅𝒶𝓁𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑒. 𝒟𝒾𝓃𝒶𝓂𝒾𝓈𝓂𝑜 𝑒 𝒻𝓁𝑒𝓍𝒾𝒷𝒾𝓁𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒 𝒹𝑜 𝓂𝑒𝓇𝒸𝒶𝒹𝑜 𝑜𝓊 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝑒𝓈𝓅𝑒𝓇𝑜 𝑒 𝒾𝓃𝒶𝒸𝑒𝓈𝓈𝒾𝒷𝒾𝓁𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒?

𝒪 𝒞𝒟𝒮, 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝓉𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑒, 𝒹𝑒𝓊 𝑔𝒶́𝓈 𝒶 𝓊𝓂 ℛ𝑒𝑔𝒾𝓂𝑒 𝒹𝑒 ℛ𝑒𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓁𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒰𝓇𝒷𝒶𝓃𝒶 𝑒𝓍𝒸𝑒𝒸𝒾𝑜𝓃𝒶𝓁, 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝑒𝓍𝒸𝑒𝓅𝒸𝒾𝑜𝓃𝑜𝓊 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓇𝒶𝓈 - 𝒹𝑒 𝒶𝒸𝑒𝓈𝓈𝒾𝒷𝒾𝓁𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒, 𝓇𝓊𝒾́𝒹𝑜 𝑒 𝓈𝒾́𝓈𝓂𝒾𝒸𝒶𝓈, 𝑒𝓃𝓉𝓇𝑒 𝑜𝓊𝓉𝓇𝒶𝓈 -, 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓏𝑜𝓊 𝑜 𝒜𝓁𝑜𝒿𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 ℒ𝑜𝒸𝒶𝓁 𝑒 𝑒𝓈𝓈𝑒 𝓂𝑒𝓈𝓂𝑜 𝒢𝑜𝓋𝑒𝓇𝓃𝑜 𝒾𝓃𝓉𝓇𝑜𝒹𝓊𝓏𝒾𝓊 𝑜𝓈 𝓋𝒾𝓈𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝑔𝑜𝓁𝒹 𝓃𝑜 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝒾𝓂𝑒 𝒿𝓊𝓇𝒾́𝒹𝒾𝒸𝑜 𝓅𝑜𝓇𝓉𝓊𝑔𝓊𝑒̂𝓈. ℱ𝓊𝓃𝒸𝒾𝑜𝓃𝒶 𝒶𝓈𝓈𝒾𝓂 𝑜 𝓃𝑒𝑜𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓈𝓂𝑜, 𝒶𝓅𝓇𝑜𝓅𝓇𝒾𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝑜𝓈 𝓇𝑒𝒸𝓊𝓇𝓈𝑜𝓈 𝑒 𝒹𝒶 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓊𝓁𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝑜 ℰ𝓈𝓉𝒶𝒹𝑜 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝓅𝓇𝑜𝓂𝑜𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝑒 𝒻𝒾𝓃𝒶𝓃𝒸𝒾𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒹𝒶 𝒾𝓃𝒾𝒸𝒾𝒶𝓉𝒾𝓋𝒶 𝓅𝓇𝒾𝓋𝒶𝒹𝒶. ℐ𝓈𝑒𝓃𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓇𝒶𝓈, 𝒾𝓈𝑒𝓃𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝒾𝓂𝓅𝑜𝓈𝓉𝑜𝓈, 𝒾𝓃𝓈𝑒𝑔𝓊𝓇𝒶𝓃𝒸̧𝒶 𝓃𝑜 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝑒 𝒶𝓅𝑜𝒾𝑜𝓈 𝑒 𝒻𝒶𝒸𝒾𝓁𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒𝓈 𝒶̀ 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝓈𝓉𝓇𝓊𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜, 𝓈𝒶̃𝑜 𝑜𝓈 𝓂𝒶𝓃𝓉𝓇𝒶𝓈. 𝒬𝓊𝑒𝓂 𝒸𝓇𝒾𝑜𝓊 𝑒 𝓂𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑒𝓋𝑒 𝑜𝓈 𝓂𝑒𝓇𝒸𝒶𝒹𝑜𝓈 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝓈𝓊𝒷𝓉𝓇𝒶𝑒𝓂 𝒶𝓈 𝒸𝒶𝓈𝒶𝓈 𝒶̀ 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝓅𝑒𝓇𝓂𝒶𝓃𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑒 ?

𝒯𝑜𝓂 𝒮𝓁𝒶𝓉𝑒𝓇𝟷, 𝒾𝓃𝓋𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒾𝑔𝒶𝒹𝑜𝓇 𝑒 𝒶𝓉𝒾𝓋𝒾𝓈𝓉𝒶, 𝒹𝑒𝒻𝑒𝓃𝓈𝑜𝓇 𝒹𝒶 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓊𝓁𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈, 𝒸𝒽𝒶𝓂𝒶 𝒶 𝒾𝓈𝓉𝑜 “𝒶𝑔𝓃𝑜𝓉𝑜𝓁𝑜𝑔𝒾𝒶”, 𝒶 𝓅𝓇𝑜𝒹𝓊𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒾𝓃𝓉𝑒𝓃𝒸𝒾𝑜𝓃𝒶𝓁 𝒹𝑒 𝒾𝑔𝓃𝑜𝓇𝒶̂𝓃𝒸𝒾𝒶. 𝒱𝑒𝓇𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒𝒾𝓇𝑜𝓈 𝓂𝒾𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝒸𝑜𝓂𝑜: 𝒾) “𝒶 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓏𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝑜 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝓅𝓇𝑜𝒹𝓊𝓏 𝓂𝑒𝓇𝒸𝒶𝒹𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝒾𝓃𝒶̂𝓂𝒾𝒸𝑜𝓈 𝑒 𝒻𝓁𝑒𝓍𝒾́𝓋𝑒𝒾𝓈, 𝓂𝑒𝓁𝒽𝑜𝓇𝑒𝓈 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝑜𝓈 𝓉𝓇𝒶𝒷𝒶𝓁𝒽𝒶𝒹𝑜𝓇𝑒𝓈”; 𝒾𝒾) “𝒶 𝒾𝓈𝑒𝓃𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝒾𝓂𝓅𝑜𝓈𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝑒 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓇𝒶𝓈 𝒻𝒶𝒸𝒾𝓁𝒾𝓉𝒶 𝒶 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝓈𝓉𝓇𝓊𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝑒 𝒶 𝓇𝑒𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓁𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜, 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒶𝓊𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝒶𝓂 𝒶 𝑜𝒻𝑒𝓇𝓉𝒶”; 𝒾𝒾𝒾) “𝑜 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝑔𝑒𝓁𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝒻𝑜𝒾 𝓂𝒶𝓊 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝑜 𝓂𝑒𝓇𝒸𝒶𝒹𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝓅𝓇𝒾𝓋𝒶𝒹𝑜, 𝓁𝑜𝑔𝑜 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝓈𝑒 𝒹𝑒𝓋𝑒 𝓃𝑒𝓂 𝒹𝒾𝓂𝒾𝓃𝓊𝒾𝓇, 𝓃𝑒𝓂 𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶𝒷𝑒𝓁𝑒𝒸𝑒𝓇 𝓁𝒾𝓂𝒾𝓉𝑒𝓈 𝒶𝑜𝓈 𝒶𝓊𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈”; 𝒾𝓋) “𝒶 𝒸𝓇𝒾𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓂𝑒𝓇𝒸𝒶𝒹𝑜𝓈 𝓈𝑒𝓂 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓇𝒶𝓈 𝑒́ 𝒷𝑜𝓂; 𝓈𝑒 𝓁𝒾𝓂𝒾𝓉𝒶𝓂 𝑜 𝓉𝓊𝓇𝒾𝓈𝓂𝑜, 𝒾𝓂𝓅𝓁𝑜𝒹𝑒𝓂 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝒶 “𝑔𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓃𝒽𝒶 𝒹𝑜𝓈 𝑜𝓋𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝑜𝓊𝓇𝑜””;

𝒞𝑜𝓂 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝒹𝑒𝓏 𝒶𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶 𝒶𝓁𝓉𝑒𝓇𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝑒 𝒸𝑒𝓇𝒸𝒶 𝒹𝑒 𝓆𝓊𝒶𝓉𝓇𝑜 𝒹𝑒́𝒸𝒶𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝒹𝑒 𝑜 𝒾𝓃𝒾́𝒸𝒾𝑜 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝓈𝒶 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓏𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜, 𝑜 𝓇𝑒𝓈𝓊𝓁𝓉𝒶𝒹𝑜 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶𝓈 𝓅𝑜𝓁𝒾́𝓉𝒾𝒸𝒶𝓈 𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶́ 𝒶̀ 𝓋𝒾𝓈𝓉𝒶: 𝓅𝓇𝑒𝒸̧𝑜𝓈 𝑒𝓍𝑜𝓇𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑒𝓈, 𝒻𝒶𝓁𝓉𝒶 𝒹𝑒 𝒶𝒸𝑒𝓈𝓈𝒾𝒷𝒾𝓁𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒 𝒶̀ 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜, 𝑜 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝑜𝓇 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸𝒾𝑜𝓃𝒶𝓁 𝓋𝒶𝓏𝒾𝑜, 𝒻𝒶𝓁𝓉𝒶 𝒹𝑒 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝓅𝓊́𝒷𝓁𝒾𝒸𝒶, 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝑒𝓆𝓊𝒾𝓁𝒾́𝒷𝓇𝒾𝑜𝓈 𝑒𝓃𝓉𝓇𝑒 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝑒 𝒶𝓁𝑜𝒿𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝓉𝓊𝓇𝒾́𝓈𝓉𝒾𝒸𝑜, 𝓅𝓇𝒾𝓃𝒸𝒾𝓅𝒶𝓁𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑒 𝓃𝑜 𝒫𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑜 𝑒 𝑒𝓂 ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶, 𝓅𝑒𝓈𝓈𝑜𝒶𝓈 𝑒𝓍𝓅𝓊𝓁𝓈𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝒸𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒𝓈 𝑜𝓃𝒹𝑒 𝓉𝓇𝒶𝒷𝒶𝓁𝒽𝒶𝓂,...

𝒟𝒾𝓏 𝒢𝑜𝓃𝒸̧𝒶𝓁𝑜 𝒜𝓃𝓉𝓊𝓃𝑒𝓈 𝓃𝑜 𝓈𝑒𝓊 𝓁𝒾𝓋𝓇𝑜 𝓈𝑜𝒷𝓇𝑒 𝑜𝓈 𝟸𝟶𝟶 𝒶𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓅𝑜𝓁𝒾́𝓉𝒾𝒸𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜: “... 𝒶𝓉𝑒́ 𝓇𝑒𝒸𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑒𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑒, ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶 𝑒𝓇𝒶 𝓊𝓂𝒶 𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓅𝑜𝓊𝒸𝒶𝓈 𝒸𝒶𝓅𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝒹𝒶 ℰ𝓊𝓇𝑜𝓅𝒶 𝒪𝒸𝒾𝒹𝑒𝓃𝓉𝒶𝓁 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝓂𝒶𝓃𝓉𝒾𝓃𝒽𝒶 𝓊𝓂𝒶 𝒸𝒶𝓂𝒶𝒹𝒶 𝓅𝑜𝓅𝓊𝓁𝒶𝓇 𝓃𝑜 𝓈𝑒𝓊 𝒸𝑒𝓃𝓉𝓇𝑜 𝒽𝒾𝓈𝓉𝑜́𝓇𝒾𝒸𝑜” 𝑒, 𝓅𝑜𝓇 𝒾𝓈𝓈𝑜, “𝑜 𝒸𝒽𝑜𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝒶 𝓇𝑒𝒶𝓁𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒 𝒹𝑜 𝓂𝑒𝓇𝒸𝒶𝒹𝑜 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓏𝒶𝒹𝑜, 𝒹𝑒𝓅𝑜𝒾𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟷𝟸, 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝓅𝑜𝒹𝑒𝓇𝒾𝒶 𝓉𝑒𝓇 𝓈𝒾𝒹𝑜 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝑜𝓇, 𝓉𝓇𝒶𝓃𝓈𝒻𝑜𝓇𝓂𝒶𝓃𝒹𝑜 𝑜 𝓉𝑒𝒸𝒾𝒹𝑜 𝓈𝑜𝒸𝒾𝒶𝓁 𝒹𝑜 𝒸𝑒𝓃𝓉𝓇𝑜 𝒹𝑒 ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶.”𝟸

ℰ 𝑜𝒷𝓈𝑒𝓇𝓋𝑒𝓂𝑜𝓈 𝑜 𝒸𝒶𝓈𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝒫𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑜 𝑒 ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶. ℱ𝑜𝒾 𝓃𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶𝓈 𝒸𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒𝓈 𝑜𝓃𝒹𝑒 𝒶 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓊𝓁𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒹𝑜 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒻𝑜𝒾 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝒻𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑒, 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝓈𝑜́ 𝓃𝑜 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝑔𝑒𝓁𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝒶 𝒫𝓇𝒾𝓂𝑒𝒾𝓇𝒶 ℛ𝑒𝓅𝓊́𝒷𝓁𝒾𝒸𝒶 𝑒𝓂 𝟷𝟿𝟷𝟷, 𝒸𝑜𝓂𝑜, 𝒷𝒶𝓈𝓉𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑒 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝓉𝒶𝓇𝒹𝑒, 𝓆𝓊𝒶𝓃𝒹𝑜 𝒮𝒶𝓁𝒶𝓏𝒶𝓇 𝒹𝑒𝒸𝒾𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝒸𝓊𝓅𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓇 𝒶 𝓅𝑜𝓁𝒾́𝓉𝒾𝒸𝒶 𝓇𝑒𝓅𝓊𝒷𝓁𝒾𝒸𝒶𝓃𝒶 𝑒 𝒹𝑒 𝑒𝓃𝓉𝓇𝑒 𝑔𝓊𝑒𝓇𝓇𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝑜 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝑔𝑒𝓁𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝒶𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝟺𝟶. 𝒜𝓅𝑒𝓃𝒶𝓈 𝑜 𝒫𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑜 𝑒 ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶 𝓉𝒾𝓋𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓂 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝑔𝑒𝓁𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓅𝑜𝓇 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝒹𝑜 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝓊𝓂𝒶 𝒹𝑒́𝒸𝒶𝒹𝒶, 𝑜 𝓇𝑒𝓈𝓉𝑜 𝒹𝑜 𝓅𝒶𝒾́𝓈 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜, 𝑒 𝒶𝒾𝓃𝒹𝒶 𝒶𝓈𝓈𝒾𝓂, 𝑒𝓂 ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶 𝑒𝓂 𝟷𝟿𝟼𝟶, 𝑜 𝓃𝓊́𝓂𝑒𝓇𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓈𝒾𝒹𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑒𝓈 𝑒𝓂 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝓅𝓇𝑜́𝓅𝓇𝒾𝒶 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝓊𝓁𝓉𝓇𝒶𝓅𝒶𝓈𝓈𝒶𝓋𝒶 𝑜𝓈 𝟷𝟶% 𝑒 𝑒𝓂 𝟷𝟿𝟾𝟶 𝑒𝓇𝒶 𝒹𝑒 𝟷𝟾,𝟹%. ℱ𝑜𝒾 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝒶 𝓅𝑜𝓁𝒾́𝓉𝒾𝒸𝒶 𝒹𝑜 𝒸𝓇𝑒́𝒹𝒾𝓉𝑜 𝒷𝑜𝓃𝒾𝒻𝒾𝒸𝒶𝒹𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝟷𝟿𝟽𝟼 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒶 𝓅𝓇𝑜𝓅𝓇𝒾𝑒𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒 𝒶𝓊𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜𝓊 𝑒 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝑜 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝑔𝑒𝓁𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒸𝑜𝓂𝑒𝒸̧𝑜𝓊 𝒶 𝒶𝒸𝒶𝒷𝒶𝓇 𝑒𝓂 𝟷𝟿𝟾𝟷: 𝑒𝓂 𝟸𝟶𝟶𝟷 𝒶 𝓅𝑒𝓇𝒸𝑒𝓃𝓉𝒶𝑔𝑒𝓂 𝒹𝑒 𝓅𝓇𝑜𝓅𝓇𝒾𝑒𝓉𝒶́𝓇𝒾𝑜𝓈 𝒿𝒶́ 𝑒𝓇𝒶 𝒹𝑒 𝟺𝟽,𝟿%, 𝑒𝓂 𝟸𝟶𝟷𝟷 𝒹𝑒 𝟻𝟷,𝟾% 𝑒 𝑒𝓂 𝟸𝟶𝟸𝟷 𝑒́ 𝒹𝑒 𝟻𝟶,𝟺%. ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶 𝓉𝑒𝓂, 𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝒾𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝒽𝑜𝒿𝑒, 𝟺𝟾% 𝒹𝑒 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜. 𝒩𝑜 𝒫𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑜, 𝒶 𝓅𝑒𝓇𝒸𝑒𝓃𝓉𝒶𝑔𝑒𝓂 𝒶𝓉𝓊𝒶𝓁 𝒹𝑒 𝓅𝓇𝑜𝓅𝓇𝒾𝑒𝓉𝒶́𝓇𝒾𝑜𝓈 𝑒́ 𝟺𝟿% 𝑒 𝒹𝑒 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝟺𝟺%, 𝓉𝑒𝓃𝒹𝑜 𝓉𝒶𝓂𝒷𝑒́𝓂 𝓈𝒾𝒹𝑜 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝑒𝓁𝑒𝓋𝒶𝒹𝒶 𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑒𝓈 𝒹𝒶 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓏𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝓈𝑒 𝒾𝓃𝒾𝒸𝒾𝑜𝓊 𝑒𝓂 𝟾𝟶. 𝒜𝒾𝓃𝒹𝒶 𝒶𝓈𝓈𝒾𝓂, 𝑜 𝒫𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑜 𝑒 ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶 𝓉𝑒̂𝓂 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝟺𝟺% 𝒹𝑒 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝓃𝒶𝓈 𝓈𝓊𝒶𝓈 𝒸𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒𝓈, 𝑜 𝒹𝑜𝒷𝓇𝑜, 𝑜𝓊 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈, 𝒹𝑜 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝑜𝒸𝑜𝓇𝓇𝑒 𝓃𝒶 𝓂𝑒́𝒹𝒾𝒶 𝓃𝒶𝒸𝒾𝑜𝓃𝒶𝓁.

𝒪 𝒫𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑜 𝑒 ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶, 𝒶𝓅𝑒𝓈𝒶𝓇 𝒹𝑒 𝓉𝑒𝓇𝑒𝓂 𝓈𝒾𝒹𝑜 𝒶𝓈 𝒸𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒𝓈 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝓊𝓂 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝑔𝑒𝓁𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝓇𝑒𝓁𝑒𝓋𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑒, 𝓆𝓊𝒶𝓈𝑒 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝒹𝑒 𝑜 𝒾𝓃𝒾́𝒸𝒾𝑜 𝒹𝑜 𝓈𝑒́𝒸𝓊𝓁𝑜 𝓅𝒶𝓈𝓈𝒶𝒹𝑜 - 𝑒 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝓊𝓂𝒶 𝒾𝓃𝓉𝑒𝓇𝓇𝓊𝓅𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝑒𝓃𝓉𝓇𝑒 𝑜𝓈 𝒶𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝟸𝟶 𝑒 𝑜𝓈 𝒶𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝟺𝟶 - 𝓈𝒶̃𝑜 𝒶𝓈 𝒸𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒𝓈 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝓇𝑒𝓁𝑒𝓋𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑒 𝑒𝓂 𝓉𝑜𝒹𝑜 𝑜 𝓅𝒶𝒾́𝓈. 𝒩𝑜 𝑒𝓃𝓉𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑜, 𝑒 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝒶 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓏𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝑒𝓍𝒾𝓈𝓉𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑒 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝒹𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟷𝟸, 𝑒 𝓈𝑒𝑔𝓊𝓃𝒹𝑜 𝑜 𝒸𝑒𝓃𝓈𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟸𝟷, 𝑒𝓃𝓆𝓊𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝑜 𝒶𝓇𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒸𝓇𝑒𝓈𝒸𝑒𝓊 𝟷𝟼% 𝑒𝓂 𝓉𝑜𝒹𝑜 𝑜 𝓅𝒶𝒾́𝓈, 𝓃𝑜 𝒫𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑜 𝒸𝓇𝑒𝓈𝒸𝑒𝓊 𝟺% 𝑒 𝑒𝓂 ℒ𝒾𝓈𝒷𝑜𝒶 𝒶𝓅𝑒𝓃𝒶𝓈 𝟸%, 𝒹𝑒𝓈𝒹𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟷𝟷. 𝒪𝓃𝒹𝑒 𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶́ 𝑜 𝒹𝒾𝓃𝒶𝓂𝒾𝓈𝓂𝑜 𝒹𝑜 𝓂𝑒𝓇𝒸𝒶𝒹𝑜 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓏𝒶𝒹𝑜? 𝒟𝒶 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝒸𝑜𝓇𝓇𝑒̂𝓃𝒸𝒾𝒶? 𝒟𝒶 𝑜𝒻𝑒𝓇𝓉𝒶? ℰ𝓈𝓉𝒶́ 𝓃𝑜 𝒜𝓁𝑜𝒿𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 ℒ𝑜𝒸𝒶𝓁, 𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝒱𝒾𝓈𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝒢𝑜𝓁𝒹, 𝓃𝑜𝓈 ℛ𝑒𝓈𝒾𝒹𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑒𝓈 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 ℋ𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝓊𝒶𝒾𝓈, 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶́ 𝓃𝒶 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜. ℰ 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝓅𝑜𝒹𝑒 𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶𝓇 𝓃𝒶 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜, 𝓅𝑜𝓇𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒶 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝓃𝒶̃𝑜 𝑒́ 𝓁𝓊𝓍𝑜, 𝓃𝑒𝓂 𝑒́ 𝓉𝓊𝓇𝒾𝓈𝓂𝑜: 𝑒́ 𝓊𝓂𝒶 𝓃𝑒𝒸𝑒𝓈𝓈𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒 𝒷𝒶́𝓈𝒾𝒸𝒶, 𝓉𝒶𝓁 𝒸𝑜𝓂𝑜 𝒶 𝓈𝒶𝓊́𝒹𝑒, 𝑜 𝓉𝓇𝒶𝒷𝒶𝓁𝒽𝑜, 𝒶 𝑒𝒹𝓊𝒸𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝑜𝓊 𝒶 𝓅𝓇𝑜𝓉𝑒𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝓈𝑜𝒸𝒾𝒶𝓁. ℰ 𝓈𝑒 𝑒𝓍𝒾𝓈𝓉𝑒 𝓊𝓂 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝒻𝓁𝒾𝓉𝑜 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒶 𝒻𝒶𝓁𝓉𝒶 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓇𝒶𝓈 𝒸𝓇𝒾𝑜𝓊, 𝒶𝓈 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓇𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝑒𝓋𝑒𝓂 𝓋𝑜𝓁𝓉𝒶𝓇 𝒶 𝓈𝑒𝓇 𝒻𝑜𝓇𝓉𝑒𝓈 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝑔𝒶𝓇𝒶𝓃𝓉𝒾𝓇 𝓊𝓂 𝓃𝑜𝓋𝑜 𝑒𝓆𝓊𝒾𝓁𝒾́𝒷𝓇𝒾𝑜, 𝑒 𝒶𝓆𝓊𝒾𝓁𝑜 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝓈𝒶𝒷𝑒𝓂𝑜𝓈, 𝓃𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝒾𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝒽𝑜𝒿𝑒, 𝑒́ 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝑜𝓃𝒹𝑒 𝒽𝑜𝓊𝓋𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓇𝒶𝓈 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝑒𝓈𝓉𝓇𝒾𝓉𝒶𝓈, 𝒻𝑜𝒾 𝑜𝓃𝒹𝑒 𝒶 𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓁𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒 𝒹𝑒 𝓆𝓊𝑒𝓂 𝓋𝒾𝓋𝑒 𝑒 𝓋𝒾𝓋𝑒𝓊 𝒹𝑜 𝓈𝑒𝓊 𝓉𝓇𝒶𝒷𝒶𝓁𝒽𝑜 𝒻𝑜𝒾 𝑔𝒶𝓇𝒶𝓃𝓉𝒾𝒹𝒶. 𝒪𝓈 𝒽𝑒𝓇𝒹𝑒𝒾𝓇𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝒜𝓈𝓈𝓊𝓃𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝒞𝓇𝒾𝓈𝓉𝒶𝓈 𝓅𝑒𝒹𝑒𝓂 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝓈𝓉𝓇𝓊𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜 𝓃𝓊𝓂 𝓅𝒶𝒾́𝓈 𝒸𝑜𝓂 𝓂𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝒶𝓁𝑜𝒿𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝓅𝑜𝓇 𝒽𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝓃𝓉𝑒, 𝒿𝒶́ 𝓈𝒶𝒷𝑒𝓂𝑜𝓈 𝑜 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒶𝓈 𝒻𝑜́𝓇𝓂𝓊𝓁𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝑒𝓁𝑒𝓈 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝓈𝓉𝓇𝑜𝑒𝓂.

ℐ𝓂𝓅𝑒𝒹𝒾𝓇 𝒶𝓊𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝓊𝓈𝓊𝓇𝒶́𝓇𝒾𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈 𝑒 𝑔𝒶𝓇𝒶𝓃𝓉𝒾𝓇 𝓉𝑒𝓂𝓅𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝓉𝓇𝒶𝓉𝑜 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝓅𝑒𝓇𝓂𝒾𝓉𝒶𝓂 𝑒𝓈𝓉𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓁𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝒶𝒸𝑒𝒾𝓉𝒶𝓇 𝓊𝓂 𝑒𝓂𝓅𝓇𝑒𝑔𝑜, 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝒸𝑜𝓁𝑜𝒸𝒶𝓇 𝑜𝓈 𝓂𝒾𝓊́𝒹𝑜𝓈 𝓃𝒶 𝑒𝓈𝒸𝑜𝓁𝒶 𝑜𝓊 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝑜𝓊𝓉𝓇𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝑒𝒸𝒾𝓈𝑜̃𝑒𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝓊𝓂𝒶 𝓋𝒾𝒹𝒶, 𝓈𝒶̃𝑜 𝑒𝓈𝓈𝑒𝓃𝒸𝒾𝒶𝒾𝓈 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝓉𝑒𝓇𝓂𝑜𝓈 𝒸𝓁𝒶𝓈𝓈𝑒𝓈 𝓅𝑜𝓅𝓊𝓁𝒶𝓇𝑒𝓈 𝑒 𝓉𝒶𝓂𝒷𝑒́𝓂 𝒶𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒾𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝓂𝑒́𝒹𝒾𝑜𝓈 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝒸𝒶́ 𝓉𝓇𝒶𝒷𝒶𝓁𝒽𝒶𝓂 𝒶 𝓋𝒾𝓋𝑒𝓇 𝓃𝒶𝓈 𝓃𝑜𝓈𝓈𝒶𝓈 𝒸𝒾𝒹𝒶𝒹𝑒𝓈. 𝒩𝒶̃𝑜 𝓅𝓇𝑒𝒸𝒾𝓈𝒶𝓂𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝓋𝑜𝓁𝓉𝒶𝓇 𝒶𝑜 𝒸𝑜𝓃𝑔𝑒𝓁𝒶𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒶𝓈, 𝓂𝒶𝓈 𝓉𝑒𝓂𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝒶𝓈 𝒷𝒶𝒾𝓍𝒶𝓇 𝑒 𝓉𝑒𝓂𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝓇𝑒𝑔𝓊𝓁𝒶𝓇 𝑜𝓈 𝓅𝑜𝓈𝓉𝑒𝓇𝒾𝑜𝓇𝑒𝓈 𝒶𝓊𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝓅𝒶𝓇𝒶 𝓆𝓊𝑒 𝓈𝑒𝒿𝒶𝓂 𝓈𝓊𝓅𝑜𝓇𝓉𝒶́𝓋𝑒𝒾𝓈 𝓅𝑒𝓁𝑜𝓈 𝓇𝑒𝓃𝒹𝒾𝓂𝑒𝓃𝓉𝑜𝓈 𝒹𝑒 𝓆𝓊𝑒𝓂 𝒸𝒶́ 𝓋𝒾𝓋𝑒. 𝒪 𝒫𝒶𝓇𝓉𝒾𝒹𝑜 𝒮𝑜𝒸𝒾𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓈𝓉𝒶 𝓉𝑒𝓂 𝒹𝑒 𝒹𝑒𝒾𝓍𝒶𝓇, 𝓉𝒶𝓂𝒷𝑒́𝓂 𝑒𝓁𝑒, 𝒹𝑒 𝓈𝑒𝓇 𝒽𝑒𝓇𝒹𝑒𝒾𝓇𝑜 𝒹𝒶 𝓁𝒾𝒷𝑒𝓇𝒶𝓁𝒾𝓏𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜, 𝓈𝑒 𝒹𝑒 𝒻𝒶𝒸𝓉𝑜 𝓅𝓇𝑒𝓉𝑒𝓃𝒹𝑒 𝑔𝒶𝓇𝒶𝓃𝓉𝒾𝓇 𝑜 𝒟𝒾𝓇𝑒𝒾𝓉𝑜 𝒶̀ ℋ𝒶𝒷𝒾𝓉𝒶𝒸̧𝒶̃𝑜.

Notas:

1 Kallin, H., & Slater, T. (2018). The Myths and Realities of Rent Control. In N. Gray (Ed.), Rent and its Discontents: A Century of Housing Struggles Rowman & Littlefield International.

2 Antunes, G. (2018), Políticas de Habitação, 200 anos, Casal de Cambra: Caleidoscópio

* Designer gráfica e ativista contra a precariedade. Dirigente nacional do Bloco de Esquerda

** Texto com base na intervenção para o Seminário Europeu da Habitação promovido pelo Partido da Esquerda Europeia no Porto de 20 a 22 de outubro de 2023.

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