ANTÓNIO BARRETO

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𝗗𝗲𝗱𝗶𝗰𝗮𝗺𝗼𝘀 𝗲𝗺 𝗲𝘀𝗽𝗲𝗰𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗮𝗼𝘀 𝗾𝘂𝗲 𝘃𝗼𝗰𝗶𝗳𝗲𝗿𝗮𝗺 𝗲 𝗯𝗮𝗯𝗮𝗺 𝗺𝗮𝘀 𝗻𝗮𝗱𝗮 𝗳𝗮𝘇𝗲𝗺

"A liberdade não divide"

O olhar de António Barreto nos 49 anos da celebração do 25 de Abril. Este texto é o discurso feito por ocasião das comemorações do 25 de Abril a convite da Câmara Municipal da Batalha.

𝖤𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦, 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗈. 𝖬𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗎𝗌: 𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝖿𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈. 𝖠 𝗌𝖺𝗎́𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝖲𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖲𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. 𝖤𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟢, 𝟧𝟤% 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖺́𝗀𝗎𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺, 𝟩𝟢% 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝗁𝗈, 𝟦𝟢% 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗀𝗈𝗍𝗈𝗌. 𝖮𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝖿𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖼̧𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖳𝗂́𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺. 𝖤 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗇𝗓𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗍𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅. 𝖤́ 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗈 𝗎́𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋. 𝖭𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗌𝖾, 𝖾𝗋𝖺, 𝗇𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌.

𝖮 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌. 𝖠 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖰𝗎𝖾𝗆, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾́ 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅𝖼̧𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝗋𝗎𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌? 𝖰𝗎𝖾𝗆, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗎𝗏𝗂𝗎 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝗈 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅? 𝖰𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗆𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈, 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝖿𝖾́𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝖺̀ 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾? 𝖰𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗃𝖺́ 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗏𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗆𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗃𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗈? 𝖰𝗎𝖾𝗆, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋, 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋, 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝗃𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗏𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺?

𝖳𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖳𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗋𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌. 𝖮 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗓 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖠𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝖾́𝗋𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖫𝗂𝗏𝗋𝖾 (𝖤𝖥𝖳𝖠), 𝖺̀ 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗈 𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺, 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈-𝖽𝖾-𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖺. 𝖠 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖤𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝖲𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖮𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖼̧𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝗎́𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆-𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈. 𝖮 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗇𝖾𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖲𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖲𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾.

𝖤𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖾, 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖻𝗅𝗈𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖺𝖽𝗈. 𝖠 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺-𝗌𝖾, 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗌𝖿𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖠 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖠́𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺, 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗀𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈. 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗑𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗎 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈. 𝖠𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂́𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗍𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈 (𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖠́𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺), 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆-𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗁𝗂𝗉𝗈́𝗍𝖾𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖮 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗇𝖺 𝗃𝗎𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖠𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅. 𝖠 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟥, 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈̂𝗋 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾.

𝖳𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗎 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈. 𝖤𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝗈 𝖬𝖥𝖠 (𝖬𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖠𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌) 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗅𝗉𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅. 𝖤𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗅: 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖾́𝗆 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗎 𝖺 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌. 𝖥𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅. 𝖤𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗎 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗋, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗈́𝗋𝗀𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗎𝖻𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾, 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖤́ 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗋𝖺́ 𝟧𝟢 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌.

𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝗃𝖺́ 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦. 𝖮𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾. 𝖠𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖾́𝗏𝖾𝗅. 𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈? 𝖢𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖾́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖳𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾́𝖼𝗂𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝗅𝖺𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝗓𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗅𝖺: 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾.

𝖤́ 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗅 𝗆𝗈́𝖻𝗂𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗅𝗉𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖠́𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖾́𝗆 𝖽𝗎𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗎𝖻𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖾 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖣𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗋𝖺, 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗌: 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺.

𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗎 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋. 𝖵𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗋-𝗅𝗁𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖮𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂𝗋. 𝖳𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆. 𝖠𝖼𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗎𝗇𝖿𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈.

𝖮 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖬𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗎𝗏𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋, 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺, 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺, 𝗇𝖺 𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗈, 𝗇𝖺 𝖠𝖽𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖯𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺, 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗎𝗏𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖤𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋 𝖺 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖽𝖺. 𝖤𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗂𝖻𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖺. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋 𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂́𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝖺. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗉𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗈. 𝖳𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅, 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗎. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝗈𝗎 𝖺̀ 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺.

𝖠 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖰𝗎𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗋𝗀𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗈 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗂𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗏𝗋𝖺𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺, "𝖿𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋"! "𝖣𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋! 𝖤𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝗈. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖾́𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗏𝗈́𝗌. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖾́𝗆 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌"!

𝖮 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗎𝖻𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅, 𝖽𝖾𝗎 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌. 𝖮 𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗎 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗈 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋, 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗋. 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗋 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗂́𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺, 𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂́𝗀𝗇𝗂𝗈, 𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖮𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗓𝗈𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖤 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗌𝗈𝗌. 𝖠𝗍𝖾́ 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟧, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗓𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗅 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅. 𝖰𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋. 𝖮 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗆𝗈.

𝖠𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖻𝗎𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝖾𝗆 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅, 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝖻𝖾𝗆. 𝖥𝗈𝗂 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗂𝗎 𝗎𝗆 𝗀𝗈𝗅𝗉𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗋𝗎𝖺 𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌, 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗏𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺̃𝗈𝗌: 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈, 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖯𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖣𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖼𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌, 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗌.

𝖮 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗉𝖺𝗌. 𝖭𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗎. 𝖮 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗍𝖺, 𝗎𝗆 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗋𝖺𝗋𝗈, 𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖺 𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖠𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖠 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖺𝗂́, 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗈𝗎 𝗆𝖺𝗅, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋 𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗋, 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌.

𝖮 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖺𝖽𝖺, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗈. 𝖮 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗎́𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈. 𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗁𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌. 𝖮 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝖺̂𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺. 𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌.

𝖠𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖠𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌. 𝖬𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌. 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗎 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗈𝗉𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺. 𝖥𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈́𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 "𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌".

𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦 𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟧, 𝖽𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗃𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆. 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗃𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌, 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌, 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝗂́𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝗇𝖾𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗌𝗈𝗌. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖿𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖣𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗅𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺.

𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖾𝗓, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗓𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗈𝗎 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖠𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌, 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗂́𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺, 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾.

𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌, 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈.

𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗂𝗋 𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝖽𝗎𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖲𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖲𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖲𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖼̧𝗈 𝖭𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗎́𝖽𝖾. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺, 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗎́𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌.

𝖩𝖺́ 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗍𝗈𝗌. 𝖩𝖺́ 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺. 𝖣𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈, 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗃𝗈. 𝖩𝖺́ 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈́𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖩𝖺́ 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈. 𝖩𝖺́ 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝗈𝗆 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗈́𝗋𝗀𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖺, 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖯𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗈́𝗋𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗎́𝗍𝗂𝗅 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗃𝗎𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌.

𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗈𝗋𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺̀𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗉𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗈. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗎 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈.

𝖭𝗈́𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾 𝖾 𝗇𝗈́𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌. 𝖲𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗀𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖻𝗎𝗌𝖼𝖺 𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗆. 𝖲𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌. 𝖣𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋 𝖾 𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗋. 𝖳𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋, 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗋. 𝖤 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗋 𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾́𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗋. 𝖣𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗉𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈. 𝖤́ 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓, 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗌𝖾 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺.

𝖣𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗎́𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗎 𝖻𝖾𝗆, 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗎 𝗆𝖺𝗅. 𝖣𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗆 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈, 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺, 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌. 𝖠𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝗂𝗋-𝗌𝖾-𝖺́. 𝖲𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌.

𝖤𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂́𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖺. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝗆. 𝖮𝗎 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺̃𝗈𝗌. 𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗓, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗎𝖻𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝗂 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌. 𝖧𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌? 𝖧𝖺́ 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺́-𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖾́𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋. 𝖤 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗋 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖴𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗎́𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌: 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝗈́𝗌 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺. 𝖮 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾-𝗌𝖾. 𝖠 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺, 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺-𝗌𝖾.

𝖮 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆, 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌. 𝖲𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆. 𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗏𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖾𝗓 𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗋.

𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝗈𝗎 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦! 𝖦𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗓𝖺. 𝖤 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟢, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖤𝖥𝖳𝖠 𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗃𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝗈𝗎 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖮 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖲𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖲𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝖽𝗎𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖲𝖺𝗎́𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗌. 𝖤𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈: 𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. 𝖭𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖤𝖥𝖳𝖠, 𝖿𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆-𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅. 𝖠 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝗈𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌. 𝖠 𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗈, 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗎 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌.

𝖭𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺, 𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗃𝖺́ 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖲𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖼̧𝗈 𝖭𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗎́𝖽𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖠 𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎.

𝖧𝗈𝗎𝗏𝖾, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖬𝖺𝗌, 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌, 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈: 𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖣𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝖺 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗍𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅. 𝖤 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺: 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝖾́𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈.

𝖠𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝗍𝖺́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌. 𝖬𝗎𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗌. 𝖮 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖮𝗎 𝖺 𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗅𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖠 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝗍𝖺́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈. 𝖠 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗎𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖤 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾́ 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾.

𝖳𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗁𝖺́ 𝖺 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋, 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝗈 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗓 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗎𝗉𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗎𝗂𝗋. 𝖤 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗀𝗇𝗈́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌. 𝖮𝗎 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖺 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗎𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖺𝖿𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈.

𝖳𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝖾̂𝗑𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌. 𝖣𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖮 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖾́ 𝖽𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅. 𝖳𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋: 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 "𝖬𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈" 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗇𝗈: 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗈𝗎, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝖾́ 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖭𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝗇𝖺 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖣𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌.

𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈. 𝖯𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝖻𝖾𝗆-𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋, 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌. 𝖠𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺, 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈, 𝖾́ 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈. 𝖠 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗂 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖻𝖾𝗆-𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗎 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺. 𝖤́ 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗀𝗆𝖺𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈. 𝖤́ 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗋.

𝖠𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾. 𝖯𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖾𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗓𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺. 𝖠𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖾 𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝖿𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖯𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌, 𝖺 𝗉𝗅𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗎𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗈 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺. 𝖤́ 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂́𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌."

* Sociólogo, investigador, escritor, político e cronista.

IN "DIÁRIO DE NOTÍCIAS" -29/04/23 .