FRANCISCO LOUÇÃ

 .

As sondagens e a felicidade 

do poder absoluto

O PS beneficia de um sonoro aplauso, de um presidente manietado, de um parlamento submetido e de um consenso que, melhor do que ninguém, as poderosas agências de notação indicaram ao mundo.

𝘈 𝘷𝘪𝘵𝘰́𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘰 𝘗𝘚 𝘦́ 𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘦́, 𝘦𝘴𝘮𝘢𝘨𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘳𝘢. 𝘝𝘢𝘪 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘢𝘳 𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘵𝘳𝘰 𝘢𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘮 𝘰𝘣𝘴𝘵𝘢́𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘰. 𝘑𝘢́ 𝘰 𝘧𝘦𝘻 𝘥𝘦 𝟤𝟢𝟢𝟧 𝘢 𝟤𝟢𝟢𝟫, 𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘦𝘵𝘦-𝘰 𝘢𝘨𝘰𝘳𝘢, 𝘦𝘮 𝘤𝘪𝘳𝘤𝘶𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘢̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴. 𝘉𝘦𝘯𝘦𝘧𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘢, 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘥𝘦 𝘫𝘢́, 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘰𝘳𝘰 𝘢𝘱𝘭𝘢𝘶𝘴𝘰, 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘪𝘦𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰, 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘭𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘴𝘶𝘣𝘮𝘦𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦, 𝘮𝘦𝘭𝘩𝘰𝘳 𝘥𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘯𝘪𝘯𝘨𝘶𝘦́𝘮, 𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘰𝘴𝘢𝘴 𝘢𝘨𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘯𝘰𝘵𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘢𝘰 𝘮𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘰: 𝘢 𝘍𝘪𝘵𝘤𝘩 𝘴𝘢𝘶́𝘥𝘢 𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘶𝘴𝘢 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢 𝘴𝘰𝘣𝘳𝘦 𝘢𝘴 𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘴 𝘭𝘢𝘣𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘦 𝘢 𝘥𝘶𝘱𝘭𝘢 𝘱𝘦𝘯𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘻𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘰̃𝘦𝘴, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 "𝘴𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘨𝘰𝘳𝘢 𝘢𝘭𝘵𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘪𝘮𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘷𝘢́𝘷𝘦𝘪𝘴 𝘯𝘰 𝘖𝘳𝘤̧𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝘌𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟤", 𝘱𝘰𝘪𝘴 "𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘷𝘢𝘮 𝘶𝘮 𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘢𝘴 𝘮𝘦𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘰𝘳𝘤̧𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘪𝘴"; 𝘢 𝘔𝘰𝘰𝘥𝘺'𝘴 𝘢𝘤𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 "𝘵𝘦𝘳 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘵𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰 𝘦́ 𝘶𝘮 𝘣𝘰𝘮 𝘢𝘶𝘨𝘶́𝘳𝘪𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘢 𝘤𝘢𝘱𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘰 𝘎𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰 𝘤𝘶𝘮𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘳"; 𝘦 𝘢 𝘋𝘉𝘙𝘚 𝘥𝘪𝘻 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘰 𝘨𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦 "𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘣𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦 𝘯𝘶𝘮 𝘮𝘰𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘪𝘮𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦". 𝘖 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘻 𝘢 𝘧𝘪𝘯𝘢𝘯𝘤̧𝘢 𝘫𝘢́ 𝘵𝘪𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘴𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘢𝘥𝘪𝘷𝘪𝘯𝘩𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘣𝘢𝘳𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘢, 𝘯𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘩𝘰𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘮 𝘢𝘰 𝘷𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘥𝘰𝘳: 𝘊𝘰𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘰𝘶 𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘳 𝘶𝘮 𝘨𝘦́𝘯𝘪𝘰, 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳 𝘥𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘔𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰 𝘚𝘰𝘢𝘳𝘦𝘴, 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘭𝘢𝘮𝘢 𝘶𝘮 𝘦𝘧𝘶𝘴𝘪𝘷𝘰 𝘔𝘢𝘳𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘴 𝘔𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘴, 𝘰 𝘮𝘦𝘭𝘩𝘰𝘳 𝘥𝘢 𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘮𝘢, 𝘤𝘭𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘪𝘧𝘪𝘤𝘢 𝘑𝘶́𝘥𝘪𝘤𝘦. 𝘗𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘵𝘢𝘭 𝘤𝘭𝘢𝘮𝘰𝘳, 𝘵𝘢𝘭𝘷𝘦𝘻 𝘰𝘴 𝘷𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘥𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘴𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘷𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘮 𝘪𝘭𝘶𝘥𝘪𝘳 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘰 𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘩𝘰. 𝘈 𝘷𝘪𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘪́𝘤𝘪𝘭 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘦𝘤̧𝘢 𝘢𝘨𝘰𝘳𝘢 𝘦 𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘰 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘢́ 𝘶𝘮 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘶𝘴 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘣𝘭𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘴.

𝘈 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘢 𝘦́ 𝘶𝘮 𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘰 𝘗𝘚. 𝘑𝘢́ 𝘭𝘢́ 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘷𝘦 𝘦 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘧𝘦𝘭𝘪𝘻. 𝘈 𝘭𝘦𝘪 𝘵𝘦𝘮 𝘴𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘯𝘦𝘯𝘩𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘫𝘢 𝘭𝘦𝘮𝘣𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘶𝘮 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘨𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘗𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘶𝘨𝘢𝘭. 𝘖𝘳𝘢, 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘳𝘢𝘨𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘦 𝘯𝘰𝘷𝘰 𝘤𝘪𝘤𝘭𝘰 𝘦́ 𝘢 𝘴𝘶𝘢 𝘣𝘢𝘴𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘢: 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘷𝘪𝘤𝘵𝘢 𝘮𝘰𝘣𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘻𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘗𝘚, 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘪𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘭𝘩𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘶 𝘢 𝘷𝘪𝘵𝘰́𝘳𝘪𝘢. 𝘍𝘰𝘪 𝘰 𝘮𝘦𝘥𝘰 𝘯𝘢 𝘶́𝘭𝘵𝘪𝘮𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘶 𝘢𝘰 𝘗𝘚 𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘢. 𝘌𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘨𝘰𝘳𝘢 𝘢̀ 𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘢, 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘷𝘦𝘳 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘴𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘢 𝘰 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰. 𝘊𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘥𝘦𝘮-𝘭𝘩𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘪́𝘰𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘢, 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘮𝘪𝘯𝘰𝘶 𝘰 𝘴𝘦𝘶 𝘮𝘦𝘥𝘰.

𝘖 𝘮𝘦𝘥𝘰 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘷𝘰𝘤𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘢 𝘶́𝘭𝘵𝘪𝘮𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘢 𝘦 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘳𝘰́𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘰𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘢́𝘷𝘦𝘪𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘢𝘴 𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘢𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘲𝘶𝘪𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘶𝘵𝘪𝘳 𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘦 𝘦𝘧𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰. 𝘓𝘦𝘮𝘣𝘳𝘰 𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘱𝘶𝘣𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘥𝘰: 𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘚𝘪𝘤 𝘦 𝘥𝘢 𝘙𝘛𝘗 𝘯𝘰 𝘶́𝘭𝘵𝘪𝘮𝘰 𝘥𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘱𝘢𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘷𝘢𝘮 𝟥 𝘦 𝟤 𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘶𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘤̧𝘢 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 𝘰 𝘗𝘚 𝘦 𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋, 𝘨𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘵𝘪𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘩𝘢𝘷𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘢𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘹𝘪𝘮𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴. 𝘕𝘰 𝘥𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘤̧𝘰̃𝘦𝘴, 𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘤̧𝘢 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘥𝘦 𝟣𝟦%. 𝘌 𝘪𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘭𝘰𝘤𝘢 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢̃𝘰: 𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘦𝘯𝘨𝘢𝘯𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮-𝘴𝘦 𝘦 𝘦𝘯𝘨𝘢𝘯𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮? 𝘖 𝘦𝘧𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘪𝘮𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦? 𝘍𝘰𝘪: 𝘗𝘦𝘥𝘳𝘰 𝘔𝘢𝘨𝘢𝘭𝘩𝘢̃𝘦𝘴, 𝘯𝘶𝘮 𝘵𝘦𝘹𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘪𝘢 𝟥𝟣 𝘦𝘹𝘱𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦, 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘥𝘦 𝟤𝟢𝟢𝟤, 𝘩𝘢́ 𝘤𝘦𝘳𝘤𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘲𝘶𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘦 𝘯𝘢 𝘶́𝘭𝘵𝘪𝘮𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘢, 𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘮𝘪𝘭𝘩𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘷𝘰𝘵𝘰𝘴, 𝘦 𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘪𝘮 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘢́ 𝘴𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘵𝘢𝘮𝘣𝘦́𝘮 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘷𝘦𝘻, 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘴𝘦 𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘧𝘪𝘤𝘰𝘶 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰 𝘯𝘶́𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘴𝘰𝘴 𝘢𝘵𝘦́ 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢̃𝘰 𝘦, 𝘥𝘦𝘱𝘰𝘪𝘴, 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘥𝘶𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘯𝘰 𝘥𝘪𝘢 𝟥𝟢. 𝘈𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘤̧𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘦 𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘰.

"𝘗𝘰𝘳𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘦́ 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘨𝘢𝘯𝘩𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘤̧𝘢 𝘦𝘮 𝘗𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘶𝘨𝘢𝘭? 𝘛𝘢𝘭𝘷𝘦𝘻 𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘴𝘦 𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘷𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘪𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘢𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘤𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘦", 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘨𝘶𝘯𝘵𝘢 𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘦 𝘗𝘦𝘥𝘳𝘰 𝘔𝘢𝘨𝘢𝘭𝘩𝘢̃𝘦𝘴. 𝘕𝘢̃𝘰 𝘩𝘢𝘷𝘪𝘢 𝘮𝘦𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘢, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘯𝘪𝘯𝘨𝘶𝘦́𝘮 𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘷𝘢 (𝘦 𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘢𝘧𝘢𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘷𝘢𝘮). 𝘔𝘢𝘴 𝘩𝘰𝘶𝘷𝘦 𝘰𝘶𝘵𝘳𝘰 𝘮𝘦𝘥𝘰, 𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘷𝘪𝘵𝘰́𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘢 𝘐𝘓 𝘦 𝘰 𝘊𝘩𝘦𝘨𝘢 𝘱𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘪𝘶 𝘢 𝘷𝘰𝘵𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘮𝘶𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴. 𝘊𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘶𝘯𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘵𝘳𝘦̂𝘴 𝘤𝘪́𝘳𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘰𝘴 𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘴, 𝘗𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘰, 𝘈𝘷𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘰 𝘦 𝘊𝘰𝘪𝘮𝘣𝘳𝘢, 𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘨𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘢 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘭𝘰𝘤𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝟥𝟣 𝘮𝘪𝘭 𝘷𝘰𝘵𝘰𝘴. 𝘌𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘴 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘮𝘰𝘣𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘻𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰 𝘖𝘳𝘤̧𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰, 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘦𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢 𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘰𝘴𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘢𝘯𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘯𝘢 𝘦𝘹𝘵𝘳𝘦𝘮𝘢-𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢. 𝘖 𝘮𝘦𝘴𝘮𝘰 𝘴𝘦 𝘱𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘰𝘶 𝘯𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘪́𝘴 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘰.

𝘈𝘰 𝘫𝘰𝘳𝘯𝘢𝘭 𝘗𝘶́𝘣𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘰, 𝘑𝘰𝘳𝘨𝘦 𝘊𝘦𝘳𝘰𝘭, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘣𝘢𝘭𝘩𝘰𝘶 𝘯𝘰 𝘊𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘚𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘜𝘯𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘴𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦 𝘊𝘢𝘵𝘰́𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘢, 𝘢𝘧𝘪𝘳𝘮𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 "𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘢𝘯𝘶𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘷𝘢𝘮 𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘴𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘢𝘵𝘦 𝘦 𝘪𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘭𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘶 𝘢𝘰 𝘷𝘰𝘵𝘰 𝘶́𝘵𝘪𝘭 𝘯𝘰 𝘗𝘚 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘮 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘳𝘦𝘳 𝘰 𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘵𝘢𝘳 𝘢 𝘵𝘦𝘳 𝘶𝘮 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰 𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋. 𝘕𝘢̃𝘰 𝘧𝘰𝘴𝘴𝘦 𝘪𝘴𝘴𝘰, 𝘴𝘦 𝘤𝘢𝘭𝘩𝘢𝘳 𝘰 𝘉𝘭𝘰𝘤𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘌𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢 𝘦 𝘰 𝘗𝘊𝘗 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘮 𝘴𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘵𝘢̃𝘰 𝘱𝘦𝘯𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘻𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴". 𝘈𝘯𝘵𝘰́𝘯𝘪𝘰 𝘚𝘢𝘭𝘷𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘳, 𝘥𝘢 𝘐𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘱𝘶𝘴, 𝘥𝘪𝘻 𝘰 𝘮𝘦𝘴𝘮𝘰: "𝘚𝘦 𝘢𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘤̧𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘧𝘰𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘮 𝘩𝘰𝘫𝘦, 𝘊𝘰𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘨𝘢𝘯𝘩𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘧𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘭𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦, 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘮 𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘢. 𝘌 𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘷𝘢𝘻𝘪𝘢𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘮𝘦𝘴𝘮𝘢 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘮𝘢". 𝘖 𝘗𝘶́𝘣𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘭𝘶𝘪 𝘲𝘶𝘦, "𝘢𝘰 𝘢𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘳𝘦𝘮 𝘢 𝘢𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘹𝘪𝘮𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘤̧𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘷𝘰𝘵𝘰 𝘯𝘰 𝘗𝘚 𝘦 𝘯𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋, 𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘭𝘢𝘯𝘤̧𝘢𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘢𝘰 𝘭𝘰𝘯𝘨𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘱𝘢𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘭 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘱𝘢𝘭 𝘮𝘰𝘵𝘰𝘳 𝘥𝘢 𝘮𝘰𝘣𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘻𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘰 𝘷𝘰𝘵𝘰 𝘶́𝘵𝘪𝘭 𝘯𝘰 𝘗𝘚. 𝘌, 𝘯𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘢 𝘮𝘦𝘥𝘪𝘥𝘢, 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘶𝘮 𝘪𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘶𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘤𝘳𝘶𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘯𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘲𝘶𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘢". 𝘈𝘴 𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘢𝘴 𝘢 𝘭𝘦𝘷𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘳 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢̃𝘰: 𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘥𝘰 𝘶́𝘭𝘵𝘪𝘮𝘰 𝘥𝘪𝘢 – 𝘴𝘢𝘣𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘴 𝘢𝘨𝘰𝘳𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰 𝘦𝘳𝘳𝘰 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘥𝘦 𝟣 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝟩 - 𝘪𝘯𝘧𝘭𝘶𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘰𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘶𝘭𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴. 𝘗𝘢𝘪𝘹𝘢̃𝘰 𝘔𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘯𝘴, 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘶𝘭𝘵𝘰𝘳 𝘤𝘩𝘦𝘧𝘦 𝘥𝘰 𝘗𝘚, 𝘷𝘦𝘪𝘰 𝘥𝘪𝘻𝘦𝘳, 𝘯𝘶𝘮 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘵, 𝘲𝘶𝘦, 𝘴𝘦 𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘱𝘶𝘣𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘣𝘶𝘪́𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘮 𝘰𝘴 𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘴𝘰𝘴, 𝘢 "𝘷𝘪𝘵𝘰́𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘢́𝘷𝘦𝘭 𝘥𝘰 𝘗𝘚" 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘦𝘭𝘢𝘥𝘢, 𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘧𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘫𝘢𝘳𝘢́ 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘢𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘰. 𝘚𝘶𝘨𝘦𝘳𝘦 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘢𝘴 𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘢̃𝘰 𝘮𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘶𝘴 𝘱𝘳𝘰́𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘰𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘶𝘭𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴, 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘰 𝘢𝘳𝘨𝘶𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘦́ 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘷𝘪𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦: 𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘣𝘶𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘴𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘶𝘤𝘰 𝘢𝘮𝘱𝘭𝘪𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘳𝘨𝘦𝘮 𝘥𝘰 𝘗𝘚 𝘦 𝘯𝘶𝘯𝘤𝘢 𝘤𝘩𝘦𝘨𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢 𝟣𝟦 𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘰𝘴.

𝘝𝘰𝘭𝘵𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘗𝘦𝘥𝘳𝘰 𝘔𝘢𝘨𝘢𝘭𝘩𝘢̃𝘦𝘴: 𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘢 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘮𝘰𝘶-𝘴𝘦 𝘯𝘢 𝘶́𝘭𝘵𝘪𝘮𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘢 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰 𝘮𝘦𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘦 𝘯𝘢 𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘶𝘯𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰 𝘗𝘚 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘰. 𝘚𝘰́ 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘵𝘦𝘮 𝘦 𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘶𝘭𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘦́ 𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘱𝘶𝘵𝘢́𝘷𝘦𝘭. 𝘔𝘢𝘪𝘴, 𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘤𝘰𝘭𝘩𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘮𝘪𝘯𝘰𝘶 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘰 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘦𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢 𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘰 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘰 𝘭𝘶𝘨𝘢𝘳 𝘢𝘰 𝘊𝘩𝘦𝘨𝘢, 𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘦𝘳 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘢 𝘷𝘪𝘵𝘰́𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦, 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘪𝘴𝘴𝘰, 𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘷𝘰𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘯𝘰 𝘗𝘚, 𝘥𝘦𝘷𝘦 𝘴𝘦𝘳 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘴𝘢̃𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘢. 𝘕𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘰, 𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘢 𝘳𝘢𝘻𝘢̃𝘰 𝘦𝘴𝘨𝘰𝘵𝘰𝘶-𝘴𝘦. 𝘌 𝘗𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘶𝘨𝘢𝘭 𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘵𝘢 𝘢 𝘷𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘳 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘪𝘨𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰́𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘰, 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘶𝘴 𝘢𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘴𝘰𝘴, 𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘶𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘪𝘤̧𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘶𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘴. 𝘕𝘢̃𝘰 𝘦́ 𝘥𝘦 𝘴𝘰𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘴 𝘢 𝘶𝘮 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘢𝘣𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘰́ 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦 𝘴𝘦𝘳 𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘪𝘥𝘰.

* Professor universitário, economista, escritor, analista político

IN "EXPRESSO" - 04/02/22 .