MANUEL AFONSO

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𝟣. 𝖠 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟢𝟪 𝖺𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗎 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗀𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺, 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺, 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝗈𝖼𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈́𝗌-𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺, 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗅. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺: 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝗈𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅.

𝟤. 𝖮𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟢𝟪 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝖢𝗁𝗂𝗇𝖺. 𝖭𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝗈𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌 𝗀𝖾𝗈𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗎𝖿𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖺̀𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌.

𝟥. 𝖠𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆, 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖾́ 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖮 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗓-𝗅𝗁𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝖺́𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖼𝗈. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗆-𝗇𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺𝗆. 𝖤́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺. 𝖮 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗎́𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗍𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖾́ “𝗇𝖾𝗈𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈”.

𝟦. 𝖠 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟢𝟪, 𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖻𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗌, 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝖿𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌. 𝖢𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈, 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖠𝖿𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖲𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌; 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖺̀ 𝗍𝗈𝗇𝖺, 𝗏𝖾𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎́𝗍𝗂𝗅 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖲𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅. 𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺.

𝟧. 𝖠𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝗑𝗑: 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈-𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 “𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌”; 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈; 𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺𝗌, 𝖾𝗍𝖼. 𝖭𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗈, 𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗇𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗀𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺, 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺.

𝟨. 𝖤𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅, 𝖺 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗀𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝗑𝖾𝗇𝗈́𝖿𝗈𝖻𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖠𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆, 𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 “𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖺” 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 “𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝗈” 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 “𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈”, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗏𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺.

𝟩. 𝖠 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 – 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂́𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖼̧𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 – 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖫𝖦𝖡𝖳𝖰𝖨𝖠+, 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗅𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌 “𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌”𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺. 𝖮 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗉𝗅𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂́𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖼̧𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗃𝗎𝗀𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗑𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝖾́𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺.

𝟪. 𝖠 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗅, 𝖺 “𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗅” 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅. 𝖭𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖽𝖺, 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 (𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖾́ 𝖾𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗓). 𝖨𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝗈́𝗋𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺, 𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈. 𝖮 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝗈́𝗋𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅.

𝟫. 𝖭𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋, 𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖺 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺. 𝖲𝗈́ 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾, 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌, 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈-𝖺. 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝗅, 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 – 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋, 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈 –, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖲𝖾𝗆 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌, 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝖺𝗌, 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈-𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺. 𝖯𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋, 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺, 𝗈 𝖾𝗂𝗑𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺.

𝟣𝟢. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈. 𝖠𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗃𝖺𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖺𝗋-𝗅𝗁𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖠𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝗂 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺. 𝖨𝗌𝗍𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾̂-𝗅𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅, 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖲𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗎́𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗌, 𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌: 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖠 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗂 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗉𝗈 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺-𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾. 𝖣𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗓𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺, 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺, 𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺.

𝖠 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅. 𝖨𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗎𝗅𝖺 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌. 𝖯𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝗉𝗅𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗂 𝖺𝗌 𝖻𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺-𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈.

* Assistente editorial e ativista laboral e climático

IN "ESQUERDA" - 20/04/24

NR: Ficamos ácidos quando a dias de se comemorar os 50 anos do 25 de Abril uma das grandes datas da nossa história lemos um texto de combatividade quixotesca que melhor fora ter sido escrito por um sancho pança panfletário. 

Depois da enorme porrada que a esquerda levou nas últimas eleições ainda não vimos da parte de  nenhum assumido de esquerda uma reflexão com dignidade, destacando os erros para tanto insucesso. 

Uma dirigente ficou contente porque o grupo não perdeu nenhum deputado, outro mais contente porque em vez de um tem agora quatro e para quem viu reduzir o seu grupo parlamentar a luta continua e trata de refugar uma moção de censura. Com estas vitórias os 50 deputados conquistados pelo partido de extrema são uma enorme derrota, só pode!

Nós somos de ESQUERDA, sem ambiguídades, estamos é fartos de pindériquices à la gauche, 

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