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21/01/2025
FRANCISCO LOUÇÃ
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UMA LIÇÃO DE HISTÓRIA E POLÍTICA
As duas identidades
da esquerda etiquetária
As esquerdas conservadoras têm um passado e um presente, e ambos as
definem como um projeto político: o seu passado é o campismo e o seu
presente é o sectarismo.
𝖠 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺, 𝗌𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖿𝖾𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌𝖺. 𝖠̀ 𝖾́𝗉𝗈𝖼𝖺, 𝖺 “𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺” 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗃𝖺𝖼𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗆-𝗌𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗀𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗅𝗉𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟪 𝖽𝖾 𝖡𝗋𝗎𝗆𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖾𝖺̃𝗈 𝖡𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾. 𝖥𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝗀𝖾𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖿𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗉𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝗈𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌: 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗏𝗂𝖾́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗎 𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝖼𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅-𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝗋𝗎𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝗈𝗅𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌, 𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌-𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺̃ 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆: 𝖪𝖺𝗋𝗅 𝖪𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗌𝗄𝗒, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖤𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗅𝗌, 𝖺𝖿𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅-𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗎 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅-𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖱𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖫𝗎𝗑𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗎𝗋𝗀𝗈 (𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝖲𝖯𝖣). 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈, 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖴𝖱𝖲𝖲, 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 – 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗇𝖾 𝖿𝖾𝗓 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖧𝗂𝗍𝗅𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝖺 𝖠𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺. 𝖠 𝗈𝖻𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝖪𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗅𝗂𝗇 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖤́ 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈.
𝖢𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈
𝖴𝗆 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌, 𝖾 𝟥𝟧 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖬𝗎𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖡𝖾𝗋𝗅𝗂𝗆, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗅𝗂𝗓𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖾 𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖴𝖱𝖲𝖲, 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝖺𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆 “𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈” 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾: 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖺 𝖯𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗇 𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗋𝗎𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖺𝗎𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖻𝗂𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝖻𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈. 𝖤́ 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗎. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗋𝗀𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗂𝖾𝗌𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖯𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗇 𝖾́ 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝖿𝖾 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺, 𝖺𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖺𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗈𝗌𝗈, 𝖺̀ 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺̀ 𝗉𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌. 𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝖺 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗌𝗎𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗑𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾, 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈, 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉, 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺 𝖫𝖾 𝖯𝖾𝗇, 𝗇𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂́𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗂, 𝗇𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌. 𝖲𝖾 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝗉𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾́ 𝖼𝗎́𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈.
𝖤𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈, 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗋 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺. 𝖥𝖺𝗓𝖾̂-𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗋𝗈𝗅 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝗅𝗎𝗍𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖻𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗇𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌: 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖺 𝖢𝗁𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖼𝗁𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖤𝖣𝖯 𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖱𝖤𝖭, 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅. 𝖮 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖬𝗈𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖺𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖴𝖼𝗋𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝗎𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈: 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗋 𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖫𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗇𝖾, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗎𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾́𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖼𝗓𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺.
𝖠𝗅𝖾́𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗈𝖻𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗉𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗈́. 𝖨𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈, 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 “𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈”. 𝖭𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖯𝖢𝖯, 𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖬𝖯𝖫𝖠 𝖾𝗆 𝖠𝗇𝗀𝗈𝗅𝖺. 𝖧𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾̂𝗌 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖯𝖢𝖯 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗅 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌, 𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖫𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟩, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖵𝖺𝗅𝗅𝖾𝗌. 𝖬𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗎𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈, 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖩𝗈𝗌𝖾́ 𝖤𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗋𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖲𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗀𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗍𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗅 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂́𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. 𝖮 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝖺𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝗋𝗈𝗎𝖻𝗈.
𝖮𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖾𝖼𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾, 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋, 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖮 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖬𝗈𝖼̧𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖠 𝖥𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈𝗎 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝟩𝟢% 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝗈𝗌; 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝖲𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖬𝖺𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗅. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖺 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗎𝖽𝖾, 𝖺 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗌𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂́𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖮 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗎 𝗇𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗎𝗅𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖠𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆, 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼̧𝗈: 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂́𝗉𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝗂𝗇𝖾̂𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈. 𝖮 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈: 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝗏𝖺𝗀𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗌. 𝖣𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝗈, 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗓 𝖺𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺 𝖺 𝖿𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖮 𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈.
𝖮 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈
𝖮 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗍𝗎𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖱𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗈 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗎 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖯𝖢𝖡-𝖱𝖱 (𝖱𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖱𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺). 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺. 𝖥𝗈𝗂 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝖫𝗎𝗂́𝗌 𝖢𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖯𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈-𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗂𝗎 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟦𝟧 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖦𝖾𝗍𝗎́𝗅𝗂𝗈 𝖵𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖲𝖺̃𝗈 𝖯𝖺𝗎𝗅𝗈 (𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗈), 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗎 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗆 𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋, 𝖮𝗅𝗀𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺̃, 𝖺̀𝗌 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗓𝗂𝗌 (𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗎 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟦𝟤).
𝖠𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈, 𝗈 𝖯𝖢𝖡 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗋, 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟤 𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝟢,𝟢𝟦% 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝗈𝗌 (𝖾𝗆 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅, 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝗈 𝖬𝖠𝖲 𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝟢,𝟣% 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌). 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗎 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾-𝗆𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈: 𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗎𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈. 𝖳𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗂, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂 𝖺 𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖾́𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗑𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖿𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗎 𝖺𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖯𝖢𝖯 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗅𝗈𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗅.
𝖮 𝗆𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾: 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗎𝗀𝗇𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖵𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝗈 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝗎𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂́𝗉𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗂 𝖾́ 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗀𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖮𝗋𝖺, 𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝗈, 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗑𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖮 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅. 𝖣𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈, 𝖾́ 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖾, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗆𝗂𝗋, 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝗋𝖼𝗈𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗈: 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈-𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗅𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅; 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾𝗂𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗎𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗋𝗈𝗀𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗇𝗈́𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖺 (𝗈𝗌 𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗆 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈𝗉𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺, 𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺); 𝖾́ 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗂𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗈-𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝖿𝖾𝗀𝗈; 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗓 𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌; 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗓-𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗎́𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗃𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂́𝖽𝗎𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾: 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝗈́𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾́𝖼𝗂𝖾, 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗉𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗏𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌. 𝖭𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺.
𝖲𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖾 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗂𝗅𝗎𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅, 𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺.
* Professor universitário. Ativista do Bloco de Esquerda.
Artigo publicado no site da Rede Anticapitalista .
.
ISTO ACONTECE PORQUE É A ALDRABAR
QUE SE MISTIFICA, MANDA E GOVERNA
3946.UNIÃO
EUROPEIA
EURO VERIFY
A FESTA DO NOJO
Exclusão dos líderes da UE
da tomada de posse de Trump
está de acordo com a tradição
FONTE: 
NR: A tradição não é má e Michelle Obama não quis ser tradicionalista, fixe.
Tudo o que trump fizer é sempre na perspectiva do negócio, patriotismo é amendoim.
Os que da europazinha foram à festa voluntariamente são subprodutos da política continental, boçaloides que precisam de um líder intercontinental a quem possam ir ao beija mão, beija pé mais precisamente ao ósculo da corrupção e xenofobia.
A trump desejamos que morra o mais depressa possível e que leve por companhia um ou dois desprezíveis da Europa e também o musk e o zuka.
Desejar a morte de alguém é democrático, até saudável, em nome da coerência.
putin HUYLO
putin é um canalha...
.
MUITA INTELIGÊNCIA
4046
Senso d'hoje
REINALDO AZEVEDO
JORNALISTA BRASILEIRO
ÁREA POLÍTICA
CRONISTA
RADIALISTA
#OlhaAqui#
trump não vai deportar 11 milhões
de imigrantes dos EUA,só se
quiser quebrar a economia
Quem toma posse hoje nos EUA
é um GOLPISTA
Para tristeza dos bolsonaristas, Brasil não é uma das prioridades de trump
* Com moderação de DIEGO SARZA
FONTE: 
UOL-20/01/25
UOL-20/01/25 
Subscrever:
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