à América Latina
tem de ser parada
O ataque à Venezuela marca uma nova fase do poder dos EUA na América
Latina — uma fase definida pela coerção, intimidação e intervenção sem
limites.
𝖰𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖣𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝖽 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖿𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 “𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂-𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺” 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗃𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾 𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟦, 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗎 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌. 𝖠𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝗎𝗆 𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖨𝗋𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖺́𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾, 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺, 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗅ı́𝖽𝖾𝗋, 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝖺́ 𝖾𝗆 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝗈.
𝖭𝖾𝗆 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗇𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖾́ 𝖻𝗋𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗅, 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗅, 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝗈𝖻𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗇ı́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌: 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅, 𝖾́ 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠. 𝖠𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝖼𝖾-𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖩. 𝖣. 𝖵𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗁𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝖢𝗅𝖺́𝗎𝗌𝗎𝗅𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖦𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗈 𝖣𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗅ı́𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈.
𝖬𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋ı́𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖯𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖯𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖿𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖾𝗆 𝖢𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗌.
𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗌𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗋𝗈𝗀𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺́𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋, 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗎́𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗎𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖿𝗅𝗎𝗑𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝖼𝖺ı́𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖤 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖽𝗈𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗑-𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗈-𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗋𝗈𝗀𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈́𝗅𝖾𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖢𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗌. 𝖠𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺, 𝖾𝗅𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝗉𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝖺́𝖻𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 “𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅ı́𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌” 𝗏𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆 “𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾” 𝗇𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗎́𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅ı́𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺.
𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈́𝗅𝖾𝗈. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝗈𝗎 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾, 𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗋 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖭𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 (𝖭𝖲𝖲) 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝖣𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖬𝗈𝗇𝗋𝗈𝖾 — 𝖺 “𝖣𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖣𝗈𝗇-𝖱𝗈𝖾”, 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗏𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 — 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 “𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖧𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗌𝖿𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖮𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅”, 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝖺 𝖢𝗁𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖠𝗆𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖫𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖾 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎ı́𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉. 𝖯𝗈𝗎𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗎𝖻𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗇𝗈, 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝖢𝗈𝗅𝗈̂𝗆𝖻𝗂𝖺, 𝖢𝗎𝖻𝖺 𝖾 𝗈 𝖬𝖾́𝗑𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾.
𝖲𝗈́ 𝖣𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺́ 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗋. 𝖮𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗋𝖺, 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝖦𝖾𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖾 𝖶. 𝖡𝗎𝗌𝗁 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗎́𝗉𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌. 𝖠𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺, 𝖾𝗅𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗎𝗑𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖡𝗎𝗌𝗁 𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 “𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺”, 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈-𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗆 “𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺” 𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝖵 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗂𝗑𝗈 𝖼𝖺ı́𝖽𝗈.
𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺́ 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗋, 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 — 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖡𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗄 𝖮𝖻𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖫ı́𝖻𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖺𝗓𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 — 𝗈𝗎 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈. 𝖵𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗋 𝖯𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎𝗀𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖴𝖼𝗋𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 — 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖺ı́𝗌, 𝗌𝗎𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖽𝖾𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗓𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗅ı́𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 — 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗎́𝗉𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌?
𝖤𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗃𝖺́ 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖠𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾 “𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝗂𝗋” 𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺, 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗃𝖺́ 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 “𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈 𝗉𝖺ı́𝗌”, 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗈 𝗅𝖺́ 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 “𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈”.
𝖨𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈́𝗅𝗏𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺, 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗈𝗀𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 “𝖼𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗋ı́𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈”, 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋, 𝗂𝗋𝖺́ 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋, 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗈𝗎𝖺𝖽𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝖺ı́𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 “𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺́ 𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺” 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈́𝗅𝖾𝗈.
𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝖺𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾, 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺 “𝖬𝖠𝖦𝖠”: 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖾 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇-𝖻𝗎𝗂𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖠𝗆𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌.
𝖤́ 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗇𝗌ı́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖾𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗎𝗍ı́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗎 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗅 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋-𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂. 𝖬𝖺𝗋𝖼𝗈 𝖱𝗎𝖻𝗂𝗈, 𝗈 𝖺𝗋𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗃𝖺́ 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝖢𝗎𝖻𝖺, 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗌. 𝖮 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾́ 𝖽𝗈 𝖯𝗋𝖾́𝗆𝗂𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖯𝖺𝗓 𝖽𝖾𝗎 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝗍𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾. 𝖠 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺, 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖺, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖾, 𝗇𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗈𝗎 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌.
𝖭𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗌𝖾 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖾𝖽𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝖾́𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺, 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗎, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗎𝗌𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺́𝗌 𝖬𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗁𝗂𝗉𝗈𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗂𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺̃, 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝖺 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺, 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺̀𝗌 𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉, 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗏𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝖻𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝖢𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖭𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 — 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗀𝗈𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗌𝖺, 𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖠𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖦𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖮𝖭𝖴, 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺̃ 𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋-𝖿𝖺𝗅𝖼𝖺̃𝗈 𝖠𝗇𝗇𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗇𝖺 𝖡𝖺𝖾𝗋𝖻𝗈𝖼𝗄, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗅𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺́𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖿𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗂𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖠𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾̂𝗌 𝖤𝗆𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗎𝖾𝗅 𝖬𝖺𝖼𝗋𝗈𝗇 𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺-𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝖦𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖬𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂, 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖺𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗎𝖻𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗅ı́𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗇𝗈.
𝖤𝗆 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗎́𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝗎𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖾 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖴𝖤 𝖺̀ 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝗎𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝖴𝖼𝗋𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺, 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗎𝗉𝗅𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖵𝖾𝗋𝗀𝗈𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖬𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖾 𝖫𝖾 𝖯𝖾𝗇, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉, 𝖿𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗅ı́𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠 𝖿𝖾𝗓.
𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝖭𝖲𝖲, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗆ı́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝖠𝗆𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖫𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺, 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖢𝗁𝗂𝗇𝖺. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺ı́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅 𝖾 𝗈 𝖬𝖾́𝗑𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈: 𝖼𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝖢𝗁𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖶𝖺𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗍𝗈𝗇 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖠𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖿𝖺𝗌 — 𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅, 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝖺ı́𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗎𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺 — 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗃𝗎𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝖾𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗆.
𝖭𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈, 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗆𝗎́𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 “𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅” 𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝗃𝗈𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝗁𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 — 𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝖾́𝗋𝖼𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠 — 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗃𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖽𝗈𝗆ı́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈𝗌𝖺. 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗆, 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋, 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅.
𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗌𝗈, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋-𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌. 𝖤 𝖾𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆, 𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖾́𝗆, 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝖾𝗍𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖺́ — 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗋𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗓𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗈𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋.