𝖤𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟧𝟢, 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖳𝗂𝗆𝖾, 𝖤𝗎𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾 𝖲𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝖿𝗈𝗍𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖿𝗈𝗎 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖣𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌𝖺. 𝖠 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈, 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖾, 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝗂́𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝖻𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌. 𝖴𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖢𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖾𝗋-𝖡𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗇 𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗍𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖿𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖭𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗍𝗈́𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖿𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋, 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗂́𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾̂𝗌 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺.
𝖭𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗋 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖭𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋𝖾́ (𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗆, 𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗂𝗌), 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖠𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗆𝗂́𝗅𝗂𝖺, 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺̃𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗎 𝖺𝗏𝗈̂ 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗎́𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖭𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋𝖾́, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾, 𝖾𝗆 𝖵𝗂𝗅𝖺 𝖯𝗋𝖺𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖠̂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖺. 𝖲𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗂 𝖺 𝖣𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌𝖺, 𝖾́ 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗏𝗂𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖫𝗂𝗌𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖬𝖺𝖽𝗋𝗂𝖽. 𝖳𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗃𝗂𝗅𝗅𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖤𝗎𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾 𝖲𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗎 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟧𝟢. 𝖮 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝖳𝗋𝖺́𝗌-𝗈𝗌-𝖬𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝗂 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟨 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗌, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖲𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖷𝖨𝖨𝖨 𝖾 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗋𝗈 (𝗏𝗎𝗅𝗀𝖺𝗋𝗂́𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆𝗈) 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖮𝖵𝖭𝖨.
𝖧𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗁𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺, 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌, 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗆 𝟧𝟢 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅, 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝖺́ 𝟧𝟢 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌?
𝖢𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌, 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾-𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌, 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈. 𝖠𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺.
𝖤𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝟨𝟪,𝟤 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 (𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟣) 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝟪𝟣 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌. 𝖲𝖺̃𝗈 𝟣𝟥 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝟧𝟢, 𝖾́ 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋.
𝖠 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗅 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝟥𝟩,𝟧 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝗂𝗅 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝟤,𝟨 𝖾𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟤 (𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝟤,𝟦 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟢). 𝖤, 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗇𝖺 𝖻𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗏𝖺𝗂 𝖺̀ 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖯𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖡𝖺𝗂𝗑𝗈𝗌, 𝖱𝖾𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈, 𝖥𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺, 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 (𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝖻𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺).
𝖣𝗂𝗀𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺̀ 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗎 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆. 𝖮 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗅, 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝖾́𝗆, 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 (𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟢) 𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆.
𝖠 𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝟣𝟪.𝟨𝟩𝟣 𝖽𝗂𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗆𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟫𝟣 (𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦) 𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟤 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝟫𝟣.𝟪𝟩𝟢. 𝖣𝗈𝗌 𝟦𝟫.𝟢𝟢𝟢 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝖤𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝖲𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟢, 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝟥𝟨𝟣.𝟢𝟢𝟢 𝖾𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟩.
𝖤𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝟢,𝟧% 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝖾𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟤 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝟥,𝟪%. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋, 𝖾́ 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝗂𝗋𝖺̂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺. 𝖠 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺, 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖺 𝟣𝟢𝟢. 𝖤𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦 𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝟪,𝟩%, 𝗈𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗓 𝗃𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈. 𝖤𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟤, 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝟣𝟢𝟢% (𝟣𝟤𝟨,𝟫%) 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈. 𝖨𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈, 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝟣º 𝖼𝗂𝖼𝗅𝗈, 𝗈𝗌 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗍𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 (𝗈 𝟤º 𝖼𝗂𝖼𝗅𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟪, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝟧𝟢% 𝖽𝖾 𝗃𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗌 𝖺 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺́-𝗅𝗈), 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖨𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟤º, 𝟥º 𝖼𝗂𝖼𝗅𝗈 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 (𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗁𝖺́ 𝟥𝟥 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺) 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝟣º 𝖼𝗂𝖼𝗅𝗈.
𝖲𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝗈𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖾𝗆-𝗆𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋-𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺. 𝖤𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟩 𝗈𝗎 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟪 𝖼𝖺𝗂́ 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗎𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂 𝗎𝗆 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈. 𝖥𝗎𝗂 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖧𝗈𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝗅𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺, 𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗉𝖾́𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗂 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈. 𝖮 𝗁𝗈𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅, 𝖺𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗂 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗋 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗌, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝖺𝗂́𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖣𝗂𝖼𝗄𝖾𝗇𝗌, 𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝖺́ 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝖾. 𝖮 𝖲𝖭𝖲 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂́𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗁𝗈𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈.
𝖭𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝗆𝗈𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌𝗈, 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗍𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌. 𝖳𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗋, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗓𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝖺𝗎́𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌.
𝖣𝖾 𝖢𝖺𝗏𝖺𝖼𝗈 𝖺 𝖲𝗈́𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗁𝗈𝗎𝗏𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌, 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗋. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟥.𝟢𝟢𝟢 𝗄𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝟤º 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖠 𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆, 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺, 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖳𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝗃𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺, 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗅𝗈́𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦? 𝖤𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝟨𝟨 𝗄𝗆.
𝖤𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦, 𝖺́𝗀𝗎𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺, 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗌𝖺𝗇𝖾𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝖺́𝗌𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖡𝗂𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗈𝗍𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗌, 𝗉𝖺𝗏𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗊𝗎𝗂𝖺𝗌.
𝖥𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 (𝗌𝖾𝗂 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗏𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗏𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈), 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗇𝖾 𝖾 𝗅𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾. 𝖠 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗇𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦 𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈, 𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌.
𝖭𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗈𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖱𝖺𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖲𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗋𝗈𝗌𝖺: 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗆 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗑𝗈𝗌, 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅, 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺. 𝖮𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗆𝗈.
𝖠 “𝖡𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖯𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈” 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌(𝖼𝖺𝗅𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈), 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗓 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈. 𝖮𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖾𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆-𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝖺𝗎́𝖽𝖾 (𝖢𝗎𝖿, 𝖬𝖾𝗅𝗅𝗈, 𝖢𝗁𝖺𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗎𝖽), 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺̀ 𝗌𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖲𝖭𝖲 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌; 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 (𝖲𝗈𝗇𝖺𝖾/𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾; 𝖯𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗈 𝖣𝗈𝖼𝖾), 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗈 𝖦𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈 𝖠𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 (𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗉𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗅). 𝖠𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺́𝖻𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖵𝖶, 𝖲𝗍𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆. 𝖯𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂́𝗀𝗂𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝖫𝖾𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗍𝖺 “𝖬𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇 𝖦𝖾𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗒”, 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗓𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺́. 𝖮𝗌 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈́𝗋𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖢𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝖬𝗈𝖾𝖽𝖺𝗌. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖾́ 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖻𝗎𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝖾𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗓, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖺 𝖿𝗂𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗆. 𝖬𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈. 𝖮𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 “𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗅” 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈.
𝖬𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂́𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝟤𝟧 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺. 𝖯𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝖺𝗎́𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝗋𝖺𝗂́𝗓𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝖡𝖺𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌𝗈/𝖲𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖲𝗈́𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖯𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌, 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖼̧𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈, 𝗈 𝖯𝖲𝖣, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝖺𝗎́𝖽𝖾, 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖲𝖭𝖲 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌. 𝖮 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗈 𝖯𝖲𝖣 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖾́ 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋, 𝖺𝗅𝖾́𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝖺𝖻𝗌𝗎𝗋𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗆𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖣𝗂𝗓𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝖿𝗂𝖺, 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗎𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗎𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗆𝖺. 𝖱𝖾𝖽𝗎𝗓𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝗉𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈.
𝖠 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖯𝖲𝖣/𝖢𝖣𝖲, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗏𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗌, 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖯𝖲. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝖾́𝗆, 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗎́𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌, 𝗁𝖺́ 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗎 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖲𝗈́𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖦𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗈𝗇𝖼̧𝖺. 𝖣𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝖳𝗋𝗈𝗂𝗄𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟣 𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟧 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖿𝖾𝗓-𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖺, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟨 𝗍𝖾𝗆-𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗆𝗈, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗁𝗈𝗎𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖺, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾.
𝖠 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖻𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺, 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖯𝖲𝖣 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺𝗂 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗉𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖢𝖣𝖲 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗏𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖻𝗈𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖠𝖣. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝖾́𝗆 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺, 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗎𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗋. 𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗍𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝖾𝗆 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋, 𝗌𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗎𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝖺𝗎𝖽𝗈𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝗈 “𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗀𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾” 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾.
“𝖠𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗀𝗈 𝖱𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾” 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗈𝗌 𝟦𝟪 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖺𝗌 “𝖾́𝗉𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺𝗌” 𝖾𝗏𝗈𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾. 𝖬𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝗆𝗉𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝖽𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗅𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗎𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖠́𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝖾́𝗆 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂́𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗌, 𝖽𝗈 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖺 𝖳𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗋. 𝖭𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗈𝖼𝗂́𝖽𝗂𝗈, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝗈𝗎𝖻𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈. 𝖠𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝖺𝗂́𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗑𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗌. 𝖮𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗏𝖾̂ 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖤𝗆 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗈 𝖿𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾́𝗆, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 “𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌”. 𝖮 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗋𝖺, 𝗆𝖺́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗌𝖾 𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋, 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖼𝖾-𝗌𝖾, 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾-𝗌𝖾, 𝗆𝖺𝗅𝖽𝗂𝗓-𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗈 𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗋𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺, 𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖽𝗈𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺. 𝖮 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌, 𝗃𝖺́ “𝖮𝗌 𝖫𝗎𝗌𝗂́𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌” 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝗈 𝖧𝗂𝗇𝗈, 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖷𝖨𝖷, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 “𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈, 𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅”. 𝖠 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋, 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈. 𝖯𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖣. 𝖲𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺, 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝗉𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗈.
𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝗎𝖽𝗈𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖠 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗈𝗎, 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 “𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗌”, 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗈-𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈. 𝖠 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝖶𝖾𝖻 𝖲𝗎𝗆𝗆𝗂𝗍 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖿𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈. 𝖯𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗅𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 (𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗅𝗈𝗀𝖺𝗇 “𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖨𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈), 𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗇𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗈, 𝖿𝖺𝗓 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺.