ANDREIA GALVÃO

Para haver mudança

é preciso haver povo

que a suporte

A esquerda de que precisamos faz a síntese entre as lutas pelo dia de hoje e pelo dia de amanhã, pelo pão e pelo planeta

𝖰𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗇𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌

𝖤𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟫 𝗋𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂́𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗃𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗌 (𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌), 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗎𝗓𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈. 𝖠𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝗈 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈. 𝖳𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗋𝖾𝗃𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺, 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗃𝗎𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝖽𝖾, 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈: 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖠 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗈𝗉𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗅 𝖾𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖾 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅, 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌.

𝖴𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂́𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋, 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖴𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗅.

𝖮 𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗁𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖬𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟣 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗀𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅. 𝖱𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟧𝟢𝟢 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝟣.𝟢𝟢𝟢 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖼̧𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖳𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖭𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗎𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖻𝗅𝗈𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖩𝗈𝗌𝖾́ 𝖲𝗈𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖦𝖠𝖫𝖯 (𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖻𝗈𝗇𝗈) 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 "𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗆𝗂𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗎𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗋𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗆𝗈". 𝖢𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗋 "𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗌𝗈𝗅 𝗇𝖺 𝖢𝗈𝗋𝗎𝗇𝗁𝖺, 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗂𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗇𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺̀ 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺". 𝖤𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝖩𝗈𝖺̃𝗈 𝖢𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗈 (𝖽𝗂𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖢𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗈) 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈 𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗊𝗎𝖾 "𝗌𝗈́ 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈: 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗎𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝗈́𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗂𝗌." 𝖠 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖺́𝗅𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝗅𝗈𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌.

𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗁𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗍𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌. 𝖮𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖺̀ 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺. 𝖣𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝖻𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖺𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌.

𝖲𝖾 𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗇𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝗎𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗋𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗈 𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗆.

𝖰𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗇𝖺 𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺

𝖴𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗓𝖺 𝗈 𝗎́𝗍𝗂𝗅 𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌, 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺. 𝖠 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈-𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗌 - 𝗈 𝖿𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾𝗍𝖼.- 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖰𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖱𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅 𝖵𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺, 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 "𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗈" 𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗅, 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗌𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗈 𝗌𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝗋. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌:

𝟣- 𝖤𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗉𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖻𝗈𝗇𝗈, 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗅. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 ("𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌", "𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌", 𝖾𝗍𝖼.)

𝟤- 𝖤𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗎́𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝖾́𝗅𝖾𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖪𝖺𝗋𝗅 𝖬𝖺𝗋𝗑 "𝖳𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝗎𝗇𝗂-𝗏𝗈𝗌". 𝖠 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺. 𝖤𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖽𝗂𝗋-𝗌𝖾-𝗂𝖺. 𝖲𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝖴𝗀𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺, 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝖺́𝗀𝗎𝖺. 𝖲𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖵𝖺𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝖾𝖽𝗋𝗈́𝗀𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖽𝖺 𝖢𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖿𝗈́𝗋𝗇𝗂𝖺, 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗑𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖰𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗈𝖿𝗋𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌. 𝖤 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗆.

𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈́𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖳𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖿𝗂𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾 𝗂𝗋 𝖺̀ 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌. 𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗓 𝖺 𝗌𝗂́𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺̃, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗉𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗍𝖺.

𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓, 𝖺 𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗑𝗂𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗓: 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖢𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺, 𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝖿𝗎𝗅𝗀𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗈, "𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗀𝖾́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾̂ 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗈 𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗎́𝗍𝗂𝗅 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗓𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌". 𝖤́ 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 "𝖢𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗃𝗈𝖻𝗌" 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺́𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌 𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗅𝖾𝗑𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖼̧𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅.

𝖭𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖤𝗆 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟦, 𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖳𝖴𝖢 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗎 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖭𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗈, 𝖺 𝖿𝖺́𝖻𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗆𝗈́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖦𝖪𝖭 𝖾𝗆 𝖥𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺, 𝖨𝗍𝖺́𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌. 𝖮 𝗆𝗈𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝗋𝖺𝗉𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗎 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌.

17pt

𝖮𝗌 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗋 𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈.

* Atriz, ocasional jornalista freelancer. Membro da Comissão Política do Bloco de Esquerda.

IN "ESQUERDA" – 17/12/24. .