.
48 anos
a controlar a sociedade
Sabemos tudo sobre a Pide, conhecemos ao pormenor conspirações e
traições do Estado Novo. Estranhamente sabemos menos do que o Estado
Novo fazia às claras para controlar a sociedade. No entanto, a meu ver,
estes meios de controle contribuíram mais para que o regime se
mantivesse ao longo de 48 anos.
𝖲𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 (𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗋) 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝖯𝗂𝖽𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝗈. 𝖳𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝗈𝗎 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖺̀ 𝗅𝗎𝗓 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺 𝖺̀𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗎 𝗏𝖾𝗋, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎ı́𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟦𝟪 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝗓𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝖺ı́𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌.
𝖠 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗆ı́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾̂𝗌, 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆. 𝖮 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗈𝗎 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈.
𝖤𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗎 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟤𝟨 𝖺 𝟣𝟫𝟦𝟪 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖾-𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗀𝗈𝗅𝗉𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗎, 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾. 𝖢𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺, 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾.
𝖣𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗈 … 𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺, 𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈. 𝖣𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟥𝟢 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝖯𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗎́𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗇𝖽ı́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. “𝖣𝖾𝗎𝗌, 𝖯𝖺́𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖠𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾”, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋. 𝖮 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼ı́𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖭𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗆ı́𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖺̀ 𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖮 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖿𝖺𝗆ı́𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗈𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗓𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗎𝗋𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌, 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖺. 𝖠 𝖿𝖺𝗆ı́𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝖾́, 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈, 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈𝗌. 𝖭𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗆ı́𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗎 𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌.
𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝖯𝖺́𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖾𝗋𝗈́𝗂𝗌. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝗂𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗇, 𝖺 𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈-𝖭𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺. 𝖮 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝗈, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺, 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺-𝗈. 𝖥𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺-𝗈 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗋, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺 “𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋” 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺. 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖿𝖺𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖣. 𝖠𝖿𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗈 𝖧𝖾𝗇𝗋𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌, 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼ı́𝗉𝗂𝗈 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖿𝗂𝗆, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗈 “𝖥𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝖧𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺”, 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝟫𝟢, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗅𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅. 𝖣𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖠𝗅𝖼𝖺́𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖰𝗎𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗋 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖥𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗉𝖾𝗌, 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗀𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗋. 𝖠𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖠́𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺, “𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈” 𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝖦𝗎𝗇𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝖦𝖺𝗀𝗈 𝖢𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖢𝖺𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖢𝖺𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖺𝗋. 𝖤 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋, 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈.
𝖠 “𝖠𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾” 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗇𝗁𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗍𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗎. 𝖠𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖬𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗇𝖺 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾. 𝖮 𝖲 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗌. 𝖠 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈 “𝖯𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈”.
𝖭𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾, 𝖾, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋. 𝖤𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺́𝗏𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝗈, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝗇𝗍𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖫𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗌 𝖱𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 (𝖿𝗂𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾), 𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌, 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝗈𝗎 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝗈𝗋, 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺. 𝖠 𝖫𝗂𝗌𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 “𝖯𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖢𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗀𝖺𝗌” 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖺 “𝖢𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖫𝗂𝗌𝖻𝗈𝖺”, 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 “𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺”, 𝗏𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖯𝗎𝗇𝗄 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖷𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗉𝖾́𝗌. 𝖠 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾 𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, “𝖯𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝖺”. 𝖯𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗉𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝗈𝗇𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌.
𝖯𝗈𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗅𝖼𝗅𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌. 𝖠𝗇𝗍𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖥𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈, 𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝖻𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾. 𝖠 𝖢𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝖻𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺.
𝖠 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗎𝗋𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋, 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗅, 𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 “𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅”, 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗋𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗏𝖺, 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗆. 𝖮 𝖡𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖲𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟥𝟥, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗍ı́𝗉𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾, 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈, 𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌 (𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗌), 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗋, 𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈. 𝖠𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗋. 𝖨𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾.
𝖴𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌, 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖲𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖯𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝟦𝟢, 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖺 𝖢𝖺̂𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖬𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝗅𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺, 𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢 𝗆𝗂𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖢𝖺𝗂𝗑𝖺 𝖦𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖣𝖾𝗉𝗈́𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗈 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗎𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟧𝟤. 𝖦𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺 𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈.
𝖬𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈 𝖠𝗋𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖡𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝖠𝗅𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗎𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. 𝖧𝖺́ 𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖯𝖨𝖣𝖤, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖾́𝗆 𝖾́ 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝗈𝗍𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌. 𝖧𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 (𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝗅𝗎ı́𝖽𝗈𝗌), 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗑𝗈, 𝗈𝗎, 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗑𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖠 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖲𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗏𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖠𝗅𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝖯𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 (𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗌) 𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗏𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺. 𝖴𝗆 𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗃𝖺 (𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌), 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖾𝗂𝗑𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖮𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗏𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝖾𝗋ı́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌, 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺 “𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺” 𝖽𝖾 𝖱𝖺𝗎𝗅 𝖫𝗂𝗇𝗈, 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗎 𝗎𝗆 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖾𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖤́𝗏𝗈𝗋𝖺. 𝖢𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 “𝖢𝖺𝗌𝖺 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺”, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌.
𝖠𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾́ 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅. 𝖠 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅.
𝖮 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗅. 𝖢𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌. 𝖠𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝗂𝖽ı́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌, 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝗓𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾. 𝟣𝟫𝟪𝟦 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗉𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗇𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺̃𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋.
𝖲𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 (𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗋) 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝖯𝗂𝖽𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗉𝗂𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝗈. 𝖳𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝗈𝗎 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖺̀ 𝗅𝗎𝗓 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺 𝖺̀𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗎 𝗏𝖾𝗋, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎ı́𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟦𝟪 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝗓𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝖺ı́𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌.
𝖠 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗆ı́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾̂𝗌, 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆. 𝖮 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗈𝗎 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈.
𝖤𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗎 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟤𝟨 𝖺 𝟣𝟫𝟦𝟪 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖾-𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗀𝗈𝗅𝗉𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗎, 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾. 𝖢𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺, 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾.
𝖣𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗈 … 𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺, 𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈. 𝖣𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟥𝟢 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝖯𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗎́𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗇𝖽ı́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. “𝖣𝖾𝗎𝗌, 𝖯𝖺́𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖠𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾”, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋. 𝖮 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼ı́𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖭𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗆ı́𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖺̀ 𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖮 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖿𝖺𝗆ı́𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗈𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗓𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗎𝗋𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌, 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖺. 𝖠 𝖿𝖺𝗆ı́𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝖾́, 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈, 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈𝗌. 𝖭𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗆ı́𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗎 𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌.
𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝖯𝖺́𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖾𝗋𝗈́𝗂𝗌. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗓𝗂𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗇, 𝖺 𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈-𝖭𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺. 𝖮 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝗈, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺, 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺-𝗈. 𝖥𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺-𝗈 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗋, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖺 “𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋” 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺. 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖿𝖺𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖣. 𝖠𝖿𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗈 𝖧𝖾𝗇𝗋𝗂𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌, 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼ı́𝗉𝗂𝗈 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖿𝗂𝗆, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗈 “𝖥𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝖧𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺”, 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝟫𝟢, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗅𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅. 𝖣𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖠𝗅𝖼𝖺́𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖰𝗎𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗋 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖥𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗉𝖾𝗌, 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗀𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗋. 𝖠𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖠́𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺, “𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈” 𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝖦𝗎𝗇𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝖦𝖺𝗀𝗈 𝖢𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖢𝖺𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖢𝖺𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖺𝗋. 𝖤 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋, 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈.
𝖠 “𝖠𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾” 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗇𝗁𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗍𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗎. 𝖠𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖬𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗇𝖺 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾. 𝖮 𝖲 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗌. 𝖠 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅ı́𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈 “𝖯𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖢𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈”.
𝖭𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾, 𝖾, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋. 𝖤𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺́𝗏𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖼𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝗈, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝗇𝗍𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖫𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗌 𝖱𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 (𝖿𝗂𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾), 𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌, 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝗈𝗎 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝗈𝗋, 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺. 𝖠 𝖫𝗂𝗌𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 “𝖯𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖢𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗀𝖺𝗌” 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖺 “𝖢𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖫𝗂𝗌𝖻𝗈𝖺”, 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 “𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺”, 𝗏𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖯𝗎𝗇𝗄 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖷𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗉𝖾́𝗌. 𝖠 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾 𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺, 𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, “𝖯𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝖺”. 𝖯𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗉𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗁𝗈𝗇𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌.
𝖯𝗈𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖼𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗅𝖼𝗅𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌. 𝖠𝗇𝗍𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖥𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈, 𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝖻𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾. 𝖠 𝖢𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝖻𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺.
𝖠 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗎𝗋𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋, 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗅, 𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 “𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅”, 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗋𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗏𝖺, 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗆. 𝖮 𝖡𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖲𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟥𝟥, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗍ı́𝗉𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾, 𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈, 𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌 (𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗌), 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗋, 𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈. 𝖠𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗋. 𝖨𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾.
𝖴𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌, 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖲𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖯𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝟦𝟢, 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖺 𝖢𝖺̂𝗆𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖬𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝗅𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺, 𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢 𝗆𝗂𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖢𝖺𝗂𝗑𝖺 𝖦𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖣𝖾𝗉𝗈́𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗈 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗎𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟧𝟤. 𝖦𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺 𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈.
𝖬𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈 𝖠𝗋𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖡𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝖠𝗅𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗎𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. 𝖧𝖺́ 𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖯𝖨𝖣𝖤, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖾́𝗆 𝖾́ 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝗈𝗍𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌. 𝖧𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 (𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝗅𝗎ı́𝖽𝗈𝗌), 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗑𝗈, 𝗈𝗎, 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗑𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖠 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾. 𝖲𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗏𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖠𝗅𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝖯𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 (𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗌) 𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗏𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺. 𝖴𝗆 𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗃𝖺 (𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌), 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖾𝗂𝗑𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖮𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗏𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝖾𝗋ı́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌, 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺 “𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺” 𝖽𝖾 𝖱𝖺𝗎𝗅 𝖫𝗂𝗇𝗈, 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗎 𝗎𝗆 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗈, 𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗋𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖾𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖤́𝗏𝗈𝗋𝖺. 𝖢𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 “𝖢𝖺𝗌𝖺 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺”, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌.
𝖠𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾́ 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗁𝖺𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅. 𝖠 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅.
𝖮 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗅. 𝖢𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌. 𝖠𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗋𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗆 𝗋𝗂𝖽ı́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌, 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝗓𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾. 𝟣𝟫𝟪𝟦 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗉𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗇𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾́𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺̃𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝗎𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗎𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋.
IN "ESQUERDA" -05/04/26
NR: A pide/dgs não torturava só adultos melheres ou homens, para quem não sabe torturava os filhos, um dos nossos pensionistas foi testemunha disso.
E o invejoso dos hambúrgueres queria 3 pides...
Hoje comemora-se a lenda da crucificação e ressurreição dum injustiçado, dos assassinados pela polícia política nenhum ressuscitou. .
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