Democrático”: ainda há muito
caminho a percorrer
𝖠𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖴𝗆𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖣𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖣𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝟧𝟢 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟧𝟢, 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾̂𝗆-𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗌. 𝖮 𝖻𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆, 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗋.
𝖲𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗍𝗋𝖾̂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌:
- 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋, 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗊𝗎𝗂𝖾𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾.
𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌, 𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗃𝖺́ 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗎 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖴𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗂́𝗏𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂́𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺𝗅 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 “𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈” 𝖽𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈́𝗌, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖴𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌.
𝖰𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈 “𝗇𝗈́𝗌” 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 “𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌” 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗀𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝖽𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗎𝗆𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾.
𝖠 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂́𝖽𝗈𝗍𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝖺̀𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗈𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈. 𝖠𝗍𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌.
𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖧𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂́𝗉𝗂𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗂 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺, 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝗈 𝖡𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗅, 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗌, 𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂́𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋. 𝖢𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂 𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗂́𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗇𝗋𝖺 𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝟧𝟢. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗈𝗎 𝖡𝗈𝗅𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗈𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾!.
𝖮 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺. 𝖮 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂́𝗇𝗎𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗂́𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗁𝗂𝗉𝗈́𝗍𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈.
𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗈, 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖺𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝗎 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺̃𝗈𝗌.
𝖢𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖲𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 “𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾”, 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 “𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗈𝗊𝗎𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌”. 𝖭𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈, 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆 𝖾́ 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗎, 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈, 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗂́𝗏𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗓𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺.
𝖲𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝗈𝗋, 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗈, 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖲𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝗆 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖠 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗂́𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖾́, 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈, 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈́𝗌, 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗇𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺.
𝖤𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋, 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗌 𝗈́𝗋𝗀𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈. 𝖬𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗎𝗅𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈, 𝗇𝖺 𝗏𝗈𝗓 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗈 𝗃𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗈 𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗋, 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗂́𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗅𝗈𝗂𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗈 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺- 𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖠 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗃𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝟧𝟢 𝖾́, 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗌𝗂, 𝗆𝗈𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗎́𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺, 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗅𝗁𝗈.
𝖠𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝖻𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗋 𝗇𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗃𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌:
- 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺.
𝖮 𝖽𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗈 𝖮𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌. 𝖤𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺, 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗌. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗅, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗑𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝖺́𝖼𝗂𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝖾́𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋, 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗂𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌.
𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝗉𝗈̃𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗈 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗎𝗃𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋. 𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖲𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺-𝖦𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 (𝖯𝖦𝖱), 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗅 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗏𝗂𝗋 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗀𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺, 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖣𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈. 𝖲𝖾 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗎 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝗂́𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆𝖺, 𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌-𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌-𝖺𝖽𝗃𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗎́𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗆𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖺 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝖽𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗑𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖯𝖦𝖱. 𝖲𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝖾́𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝖬𝖯 𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖩𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺 𝖯𝖦𝖱 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖻𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗎 𝖬𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖫𝗎𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖱𝗈𝖽𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗌.
𝖥𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗏𝗂𝖼𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖬𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖺́𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈. 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾.
.
Sem comentários:
Enviar um comentário