FERNANDO ROSAS

 .

A crise do capitalismo tardio

           e a banalidade do mal

A banalidade do mal fabricada pela alienação é o caminho aberto para o desastre que só a resistência contra-hegemónica pode e deve travar.

𝖮 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖧𝖺𝗇𝗇𝖺𝗁 𝖠𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗍 𝗇𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝗏𝗋𝗈 𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟥 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝗃𝗎𝗅𝗀𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝖽𝗈𝗅𝖿 𝖤𝗂𝖼𝗁𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗇 𝖾𝗆 𝖩𝖾𝗋𝗎𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖾́𝗆 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖠𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟣 𝖾 𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟤, 𝖽𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾. 𝖤𝗂𝖼𝗁𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗇 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾-𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗈𝗇𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖲𝖲, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖼𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖦𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗉𝗈, 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖠𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗓𝗂, 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗅 “𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺” 𝖽𝖺 “𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗂𝖼𝖺”, 𝗏𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗀𝗂𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗎 𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖠𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝖨𝖨 𝖱𝖾𝗂𝖼𝗁. 𝖮𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺, 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖾𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌, 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗎𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝗇𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝗓𝗂, 𝗈 𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖾𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗃𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌 (𝗃𝗈𝗂𝖺𝗌, 𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎𝗋𝗈, 𝖼𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌…) 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗈 𝖳𝖾𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖱𝖾𝗂𝖼𝗁.

𝖮 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖮𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗍𝗎𝗋𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗇𝗇𝖿𝗎̈𝗁𝗋𝖾𝗋 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗁𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖺́𝗅𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖧. 𝖠𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗍 𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖻𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝗓𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝗀𝗈, 𝖽𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅. 𝖨𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖾́, 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝖻𝖾𝗆 𝖾 𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅, 𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖻𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖾, 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺, 𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗎𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗈 “𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗉𝗌𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅” 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖠𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗍 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅.

𝖮 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗈𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺, 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗌𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅, “𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗂́𝖺𝖼𝖺”, 𝖿𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝗈𝗌 (𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝗓𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈) 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗌𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆. 𝖯𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗆𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅, 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈-𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈, 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖺̂𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗌 “𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖺, 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾́𝗋𝖿𝗅𝗎𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗅𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾”𝟣.

𝖮 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋: 𝖾́ 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌, 𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖾́, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗉𝗌𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗋, 𝗃𝗎𝗅𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 “𝗉𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗎𝗅𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌”, 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗎𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗍𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗎́𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝖻𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈-𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖻𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝖻𝗂́𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗈. 𝖠𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖺𝗓𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗏𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝗁𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗊𝗎𝗂𝖾𝗍𝖺 𝖠𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗍 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗋. 𝖤́ 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺 𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌: 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗋𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗇𝖾.

𝖯𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺̂𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝟨𝟢 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖷𝖷 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺, 𝖠𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗍 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗎 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝖱𝖾𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 (𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆, 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈) 𝖺 “𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅” 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖾 𝗈 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗂. 𝖣𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝗁𝖺́-𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗈𝖼𝗂́𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝖻𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖦𝖺𝗓𝖺 𝖾 𝖢𝗂𝗌𝗃𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖮𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅. 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅. 𝖭𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖺́𝗅𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖽𝗂𝗈.

𝖮 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈

𝖤́ 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖾́𝗉𝗈𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂́𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂́𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗀𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗅. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗋𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗅𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺́𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗇𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖿𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈: 𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾.

𝖯𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺̂𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝟨𝟢 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝖾́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖷𝖷 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺, 𝖠𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗍 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗎 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗈 𝖱𝖾𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 (𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆, 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈) 𝖺 “𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅” 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖾 𝗈 𝗇𝗎́𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗂. 𝖣𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝗁𝖺́-𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗀𝗎𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗈𝖼𝗂́𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝖻𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖦𝖺𝗓𝖺 𝖾 𝖢𝗂𝗌𝗃𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖮𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅. 𝖭𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖺 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅. 𝖭𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖺́𝗅𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖽𝗂𝗈.

𝖮 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈

𝖤́ 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝖾́𝗉𝗈𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂́𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗂́𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗀𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖿𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗅. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗋𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗅𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖺́𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗇𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖺-𝗌𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖿𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈: 𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾.

𝖮𝗌 𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 – 𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅-𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 – 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖠 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝗂𝖼̧𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺; 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖽𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈; 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗇𝖺𝗌; 𝖺 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖾 𝖺𝖻𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 (𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗎𝗋𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝗈𝗌, 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈, 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾, 𝖺̀ 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺…); 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌; 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗋𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝗃𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗍𝖺́𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈𝖿𝖾 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺: 𝖾́ 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾, 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖺𝗓𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗍𝗈, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾́ 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝗍𝖺́𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗈 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋.

𝖯𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺́𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗋𝖺́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖺̀ 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝗈̃𝖾𝗆: 𝖺𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝗃𝖺́ 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈. 𝖯𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾̂-𝗅𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗈𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌𝖾𝗌: 𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗉𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗏𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖾 𝖾 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈-𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌. 𝖤𝗆 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈𝗌, 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗋 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖺̀ 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺́𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗅𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗈, 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗑𝗂𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖺𝗓𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗉𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈, 𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗉𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺̀𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌. 𝖭𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅, 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗉𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗂 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝗍𝖾́𝗆: 𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗎𝗇𝖿𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠 𝖺𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂́𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈.

𝖴𝗆𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗈𝗋, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗀𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗂𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗎𝖽𝗈, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋, 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖻𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, (𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺) 𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺. 𝖮𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺, 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗎𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗃𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖤, 𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝗍𝖾́𝗆 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝖾𝗋𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺, 𝖾𝗑𝗂𝗀𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗀𝗂𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖺, 𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺́ 𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈. 𝖠 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗎𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌, 𝖾𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗉𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗀𝗅𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗆 𝗈𝗅𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝖼𝗇𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖾́𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗌, 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈́, 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗀𝗈𝗋𝗂́𝗍𝗆𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋𝖺, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺, 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝖾́𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝖿𝖾 𝖻𝗎𝖿𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈.

𝖮 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗋𝖼𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗂𝗋 𝖺𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗈, 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗏𝖺, 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗏𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈́𝗆𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗅𝖺, 𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅-𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝖼𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺́𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺. 𝖠 𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺́ 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺, 𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗀𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗋𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗑𝖺𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼̧𝖺, 𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝖽𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺, 𝗇𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗎𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝗂𝗋𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 “𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗌” 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗂 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾, 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 “𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅” 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾́𝖼𝗂𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗋𝗐𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗋𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗈𝗀𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺, 𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗆𝗈𝖿𝗈𝖻𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗂́𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖻𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖾 𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝖺𝗋𝖻𝗂́𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗈. 𝖤 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝗂́ 𝗌𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺, 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾́𝗉𝗈𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖽𝗂𝗈, 𝖺̀ 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅. 𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾́𝖼𝗂𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗉𝗌𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝖺𝗓 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖠𝗉𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗉𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗌𝗂 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌. 𝖠 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝖺𝖻𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝗈́ 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺-𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗆𝗈́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗋.

𝖳𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗂 𝗂𝗅𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖻𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝗎𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾: 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖾 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗅𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌.

𝖠 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗓

𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗆 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗊𝗎𝗂𝗅𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗎𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝗂́𝗏𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗉𝗌𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖻𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 “𝖼𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝖺” 𝖾 “𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗎𝗓𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈. 𝖯𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝟦𝟧 𝟢𝟢𝟢 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗈𝗌 (𝟩𝟢% 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗆𝗎𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌) 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖻𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖽𝖾𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗏𝖺𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖾 𝖦𝖺𝗓𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖢𝗂𝗌𝗃𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺; 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝖺𝗈 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖾 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗋𝖻𝗂𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗌; 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗈 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖺̀ 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖦𝖺𝗓𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖿𝗎𝗀𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂́𝗏𝖾𝗅; 𝖻𝗅𝗈𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗃𝗎𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗂𝖻𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗀𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖭𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝗈 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋, 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 (𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌); 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖺́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺́𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖾 – 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝖺𝗇𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗈𝖼𝗂́𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖾𝖼̧𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝖴𝗇𝗂𝖺̃𝗈 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗂𝖺, 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆, 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝗈𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗀𝗈𝗇𝗁𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈 “𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗌𝖺” 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅. 𝖰𝗎𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆, 𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗂𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝗁𝗂𝗉𝗈́𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗍𝖺. 𝖵𝖾𝗋𝗀𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝗌𝗎𝗌𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠, 𝖺 “𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌” 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 “𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝖾𝗂” 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗎́𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗈𝖼𝗂́𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂́𝗇𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗅𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗈, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗉𝗈𝗎 𝖾 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗋𝖻𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖾 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅. 𝖠 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖢𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖳𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗇𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾-𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗋-𝗌𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗇𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺: 𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗑𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖦𝖺𝗓𝖺, 𝖽𝖺 𝖢𝗂𝗌𝗃𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖺̂𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖫𝗂́𝖻𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝖺𝗈 “𝖦𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝗌𝗋𝖺𝖾𝗅” 𝖾 𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗈 𝖨𝗋𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖣𝖺𝗂́ 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝗉𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈. 𝖠 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗈𝖼𝗂́𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝖺 𝗀𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺. 𝖧𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝟣𝟫𝟥𝟫.

𝖠 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾

𝖲𝗈́ 𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗁𝖺́ 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗅𝗍𝗈 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 “𝗏𝗂𝗋𝗍𝗎𝖽𝖾𝗌” 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖺𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗆𝖺-𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝖺 𝖺𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝖺𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈. 𝖭𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗎𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝖾𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 “𝖺𝖻𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈” 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 “𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗅” 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗂𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗆𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗎𝗓𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾́ 𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖻𝗋𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 “𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾” 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗅𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝗀𝖺𝗇𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾. 𝖧𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝖺𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖼𝗅𝖺́𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖼𝗈, 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗉𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝗃𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅.

𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖺𝗓𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗈́𝖻𝗏𝗂𝖺𝗌. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗂𝖻𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅, 𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗏𝖾, 𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗏𝖺𝗓𝗂𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺, 𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌, 𝖺 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗎𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗈 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈, 𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝗆𝖺, 𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗑𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗋𝗈

𝖤𝗆 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋, 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗀𝗂𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈, 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗅𝖾𝗍𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗑𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗁𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝗃𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 “𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖾́𝖽𝗂𝖺” 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝖻𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗈. 𝖮𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝗃𝖺, 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆 𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗌, 𝖽𝖾 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖣𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝗀𝗈 𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗅𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 “𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈𝗌” 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝗈𝗌 𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌, 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝖽𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗀𝗅𝗈𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾.

𝖯𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗈𝖿𝖾𝗇𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺 – 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅 – 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈́𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝖾𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖻𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖾𝗓𝖺 𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝖺: 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗂𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗌𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖺𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈 𝗏𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈́𝗌-𝖦𝗎𝖾𝗋𝗋𝖺 𝖥𝗋𝗂𝖺; 𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖯𝖢𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝖻𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝗏𝗂𝖾́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗍𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗅𝗎𝗑𝗈 𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖽𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 (𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗏𝗈, 𝗇𝖺 𝖤𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗉𝖺, 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖥𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖨𝗇𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖺); 𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖺𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗎𝖻𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗅𝖾𝗑𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖿𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈.

𝖮 𝗆𝗎𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝗆𝗎𝖽𝗈𝗎 𝗈𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗃𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝖾́𝗉𝗈𝖼𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖽𝗂𝗈. 𝖤 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗅𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝗎𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗆𝖻𝗎𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈. 𝖤́ 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗈 𝖿𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗃𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗎𝖺𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖬𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝖺𝗅 𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝖾 𝖼𝗂𝗏𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅. 𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗎𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗊𝗎𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺. 𝖭𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝗂𝗎𝗇𝖿𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖤𝖴𝖠 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝗌𝗎𝗋𝗀𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈̃𝖾𝗆 𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖾 𝗈 𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗂𝗀𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖿𝖾𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂-𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂-𝗁𝗈𝗆𝗈𝖿𝗈́𝖻𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈. 𝖠 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗈𝗋𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾 𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗎𝗆 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈. 𝖠 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖻𝖺𝗅𝗁𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗂𝗇𝗌𝖾𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖻𝖺𝗍𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝖺𝗈 𝗋𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝗁𝗈𝗆𝗈𝖿𝗈𝖻𝗂𝖺. 𝖠 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗆𝗈, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗇𝗌𝖿𝗈𝗋𝗆𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾, 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝗅𝗎𝗍𝖺 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝖺. 𝖠 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝖼𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺 𝗂𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝖺̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺.

# António Araújo e Miguel Nogueira Brito, “Introdução. Arendt em Jerusalém”, in Hanna Arendt, Eichmann em Jerusalém. Uma Reportagem sobre a Banalidade do Mal, Ítaca, 2017, p. 32

* Historiador. Professor emérito da Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Fundador do Bloco de Esquerda

IN "ESQUERDA"- 19/11/24 .