10/05/2024

ANA DRAGO

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O teste IRC (ou a
revisão da matéria dada)

𝟣. 𝖮 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗇𝗈𝗍𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗇𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖥𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗈𝗎𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖺𝗌, 𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖽𝗂𝖼̧𝗈𝗎 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝗎𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾. 𝖯𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈, 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝗇𝖺 𝗀𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗇𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗂𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝖠𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗆𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺. 𝖣𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌, 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾𝗎 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝖼𝗁𝗈𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗏𝗈𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖠𝖣 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝖱𝖲, 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖲𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗂 𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗋, 𝖺𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗎𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖯𝖲. 𝖩𝖺́ 𝗇𝗈 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈, 𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗎𝗆 𝗆𝖾̂𝗌 𝖺𝗉𝗈́𝗌 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖡𝗋𝗎𝗑𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝗎𝗆 𝖯𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖤𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗏𝗂𝖺 𝟢,𝟥% 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝖼𝖾𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗂́𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌, 𝗏𝖾𝗂𝗈 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝖺𝗍𝗈𝗌𝗈. 𝖥𝗈𝗂 𝗋𝖺́𝗉𝗂𝖽𝖺 𝖾 𝗅𝗂𝗆𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗂𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺 (𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾 𝗌𝖺𝗂́𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈) 𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗇𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗅 (𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗇𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝗈 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅). 𝖱𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗆 𝖺𝗂𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗎́𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗌𝗎𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 “𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗌”, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝗀𝗇𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗅𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋.

𝖮 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖻𝗅𝖾𝗆𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗏𝗂𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗅𝗆𝖾. 𝖧𝖺́ 𝟤𝟢 𝖺𝗇𝗈𝗌, 𝗈 𝖼𝗁𝗈𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖿𝗂𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖣𝗎𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝖡𝖺𝗋𝗋𝗈𝗌𝗈 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗎 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖽𝗈 “𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖺𝗇𝗀𝖺”; 𝖾 𝖺 “𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗋𝖺” 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗌𝗎𝖻𝗌𝗂́𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖭𝖺𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟣 𝗍𝗈𝗋𝗇𝗈𝗎-𝗌𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈𝗅𝗈𝗋𝗈𝗌𝖺 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖯𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗎𝗆𝗂𝗎 𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋. 𝖲𝖾𝗆 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗋𝗍𝖾, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖲𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋 𝖺𝖻𝗋𝗂𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝗉𝖺𝖼̧𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗎𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖠𝖣. 𝖠𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆, 𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗁𝗈𝗃𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗈𝖼𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗌𝖺𝖻𝖾𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗋𝖺̃𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝗂𝗋.

𝖠 𝗎́𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖾 𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖾́ 𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝖺𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝗇𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖨𝖱𝖢. 𝖠 𝖠𝖣 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗏𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖻𝗋𝗎𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺: 𝟣 𝟧𝟢𝟢 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗌. 𝖮𝗌 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖻𝖾𝗇𝖾𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗋, 𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅, 𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌. 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝖯𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺 𝖨𝖱𝖢, 𝗆𝗎𝗂𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗆 𝗃𝖺́ 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗎𝗓𝗂𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗂𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗆𝖺𝗋𝗀𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺 - 𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝗈𝗌 𝟢,𝟥% 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖾𝗀𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖾𝗍𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝖱𝖢 - 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖾𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖿𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺. 𝖤𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺 𝖦𝖺𝗅𝗉, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗏𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗅𝗁𝗈𝗋 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈́𝗋𝗂𝖺; 𝖺 𝖤𝖣𝖯, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺𝗎𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝟦𝟢%; 𝗈𝗎 𝗌𝖾𝗍𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝖻𝖺𝗇𝖼𝖺, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗋𝗈𝗎 𝟣𝟤 𝗆𝗂𝗅𝗁𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝖺. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗇𝗎𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗋𝖺𝗆 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝖼𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌, 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝖻𝖾-𝗌𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗎𝗆𝖺 “𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗅𝖺” 𝖿𝗂𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝖿𝖺𝗓𝖾𝗋 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗀𝗈 𝗈𝗎 𝗉𝗎𝗑𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖺.

𝖯𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈, 𝖬𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖲𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺 𝗎𝗆 𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾. 𝖲𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 “𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺” 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗂𝗌 𝖾́ 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺, 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝖱𝖢 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖺𝖼𝗍𝗈 𝗇𝗎𝗆 𝖼𝖾𝗇𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝗈𝗋𝖼̧𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗅 “𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗉𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾” 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗂𝗀𝗈𝗌𝗈. 𝖲𝖾, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝖺 𝖻𝗈𝗋𝗅𝖺 𝖿𝗂𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖾, 𝗌𝗈́ 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝗂𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗋𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗌 𝖾́ 𝖿𝖺𝗅𝗌𝖺. 𝖠 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖿𝗎𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗎𝖺𝗅 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖥𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾. 𝖲𝖾 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝖱𝖢 𝖺𝗏𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗋, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖾́ 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗎 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝗈𝗎 𝖾́ 𝗂𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅. 𝖭𝖺̃𝗈 𝗁𝖺́ 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖼𝖾𝗂𝗋𝖺 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈.

𝟤. 𝖣𝖾𝗉𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗋𝖺𝗌𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆 𝗉𝗎́𝖻𝗅𝗂𝖼𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗁𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖾𝗆 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖯𝖲, 𝗈 𝗅𝗂́𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗅𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝖯𝖲𝖣 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖼𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗅𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗍𝗂𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗈𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌𝗌𝗂𝖾𝗋𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝖱𝖲 𝖾 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗑-𝖲𝖢𝖴𝖳. 𝖤 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗌: 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝗇𝖺 𝗎́𝗅𝗍𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝗁𝗈𝗋𝖺, 𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 “𝖿𝗎𝗋𝗈𝗎” 𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝗈𝗋𝖽𝗈. 𝖣𝖺𝗂́ 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝖽𝗈, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖺𝖻𝗌𝗍𝖾𝗇𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈, 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺.

𝖯𝗈𝖽𝗂́𝖺𝗆𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺, 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗏𝖾𝗓 𝗌𝖾𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗅𝗈, 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝖽𝗂𝗎 𝗁𝗈𝗇𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗌𝗈 𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗋𝖺𝗅, 𝖽𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝗌𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗎𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗇𝗌. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝗈 𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖿𝖾𝗓 𝗍𝗋𝖾̂𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗂𝖿𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗇𝖺 𝖠𝖱 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗀𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖻𝗎𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖡𝖤𝖲, 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝖼𝗎𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 𝖾𝗑𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗂́𝖼𝗂𝗈 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗈 𝖿𝗋𝖺𝖼𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗈. 𝖭𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝗌𝗈𝖻𝗋𝖾 𝖺𝗌 𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝖨𝖱𝖲, 𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖿𝗎𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺. 𝖭𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗆𝖺, 𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗂𝖺 𝖺 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗂𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗈̃𝖾𝗌, “𝖺̀ 𝗅𝖺” 𝖨𝖫, 𝗇𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝗅𝗈́𝗀𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖾, 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝖺𝗌𝗌𝗂𝗆, 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝗈𝗎-𝖺𝗌. 𝖤́ 𝖼𝖾𝗋𝗍𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗆 𝖻𝖺𝗂𝗑𝖺𝗋 𝖺𝗌 𝗍𝖺𝗑𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝖿𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖺𝗌. 𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖺𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝗈 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝗍𝖺𝗆𝖻𝖾́𝗆, 𝖾 𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝗈𝗎 𝖼𝗁𝗎𝗆𝖻𝖺́-𝗅𝖺𝗌. 𝖮 𝖦𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖺𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖽𝗂𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖺𝗆𝖾𝖺𝖼̧𝖺 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗍𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗎-𝖺𝗌 𝖽𝖺 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈.

𝖠𝗊𝗎𝗂 𝖼𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖾𝖼𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝗂𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝖺𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗅𝗁𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂́𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗌. 𝖲𝖺𝖻𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾, 𝖺𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗌 𝗈𝗎𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖽𝗈𝗌, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗏𝖺𝗂 𝗌𝖾𝗋 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗋𝗎𝗍𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝗌𝖾𝗋𝗂𝖾𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗈𝗎 𝖼𝗈𝖾𝗋𝖾̂𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌. 𝖳𝖾𝗆 𝖺𝗉𝖾𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗎𝗆𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖺: 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗌𝗉𝖾𝗇𝗌𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗅 𝖺̀ 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝖺𝖼̧𝖺̃𝗈 𝖺̀ 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺, 𝗇𝖾𝗆 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝗍𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝖾𝗇𝗁𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗉𝖺𝗌𝗌𝖺𝗋 𝗉𝗈𝗋 𝖼𝗂𝗆𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝖺𝖽𝖺́𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗈 𝖽𝖺 𝖠𝖣.

𝖬𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗆𝖾𝗌𝗆𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈 𝖽𝖺𝗌 𝖥𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼̧𝖺𝗌. 𝖲𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖲𝖺𝗋𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗋𝗌𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗂𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗈𝗌𝗍𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝖱𝖢; 𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝖼𝖺𝗉𝖺𝗓 𝖽𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗋 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖾𝗅𝖺 𝖾́ 𝗎𝗆 “𝖻𝗈𝖽𝗈 𝖺𝗈𝗌 𝗋𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌”, 𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺 𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺́ 𝖽𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝖼𝗈𝗅𝗁𝖾𝗋. 𝖮𝗎 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝖽𝗈 𝗅𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝗈𝗏𝗈 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖾𝗑𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗉𝗋𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗇𝖾𝗀𝗈́𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗌; 𝗈𝗎 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝗏𝗈𝗓 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗌 - 𝗈𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝖽𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝖽𝖾 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟫 𝗍𝖾̂𝗆 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈 𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖾𝗋𝗈𝗌𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝗈 𝖢𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖺.

𝖤𝗌𝗌𝖾 𝖾́ 𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝖾𝖼𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗏𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖵𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗎𝗋𝖺. 𝖢𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝗌𝖾 𝗏𝗂𝗎 𝗇𝖺𝗌 𝗏𝗈𝗍𝖺𝖼̧𝗈̃𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗏𝖾𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝗈 𝖡𝖤𝖲, 𝗇𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗂́𝗉𝗂𝗈𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗈 𝗏𝖺̃𝗈 𝗌𝖺𝗅𝗏𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝗀𝗎́𝗌𝗍𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗎́𝗏𝗂𝖽𝖺. 𝖲𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖺𝗍𝖾́𝗀𝗂𝖺 𝖽𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗆𝖺𝗋 𝗈 𝗅𝗎𝗀𝖺𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝖯𝖲𝖣 𝗇𝖺 𝗁𝖾𝗀𝖾𝗆𝗈𝗇𝗂𝖺 𝖺̀ 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺, 𝖺 𝗌𝗎𝖺 𝗉𝗈𝗉𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗂𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖼𝖾 𝗌𝖾 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖽𝖾𝗋 𝖺 𝗆𝖺̃𝗈 𝖽𝖾 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗈 𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗈𝗎 𝖺𝗍𝖾́ 𝖺𝗀𝗈𝗋𝖺. 𝖲𝖾, 𝗉𝖾𝗅𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺́𝗋𝗂𝗈, 𝗈𝖻𝖾𝖽𝖾𝖼𝖾𝗋 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗂𝗉𝗅𝗂𝗇𝖺𝖽𝖺𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖾 𝖺̀ 𝖺𝗀𝖾𝗇𝖽𝖺 𝖽𝗈𝗌 𝗌𝖾𝗎𝗌 𝖿𝗂𝗇𝖺𝗇𝖼𝗂𝖺𝖽𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗌, 𝗈 𝗌𝖾𝗎 𝖽𝗂𝗌𝖼𝗎𝗋𝗌𝗈 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗍𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗅𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗌 𝖼𝗈𝗅𝖺𝗉𝗌𝖺. 𝖲𝖾𝗃𝖺 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗈 𝖿𝗈𝗋, 𝗈 𝗍𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖾 𝖽𝗈 𝖨𝖱𝖢 𝖾́ 𝗆𝖺𝗂𝗈𝗋 𝖽𝗈 𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗈. 𝖲𝖾 𝖺 𝖽𝗂𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗍𝖺 𝗏𝗂𝖺𝖻𝗂𝗅𝗂𝗓𝖺𝗋 𝗈 “𝖻𝗈𝖽𝗈” 𝖺̀𝗌 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗌 𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖺𝗌 𝖾𝗇𝖿𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗇𝖽𝗈 𝖼𝗎𝗌𝗍𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝗅𝗂́𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗈𝗌 𝖾 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗎𝗍𝖺𝖼𝗂𝗈𝗇𝖺𝗂𝗌, 𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺̃𝗈 𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖺 𝗊𝗎𝖾𝗆 𝗌𝖺̃𝗈 𝗈𝗌 𝗏𝖾𝗋𝖽𝖺𝖽𝖾𝗂𝗋𝗈𝗌 𝗉𝗈𝖽𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌 𝗊𝗎𝖾 𝗆𝖺𝗇𝖽𝖺𝗆 𝗇𝗈 𝗉𝖺𝗂́𝗌.

* Cronista, investigadora CES

IN "DIÁRIO DE NOTÍCIAS" - 10/05/24..

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