RICCARDO MARCHI

 .

As direitas radicais

no Parlamento Europeu

𝐴 𝑣𝑖𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑒𝑠𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜 𝑃𝑉𝑉 𝑑𝑒 𝐺𝑒𝑒𝑟𝑡 𝑊𝑖𝑙𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑠 𝑛𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑖𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 ℎ𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝟸𝟸 𝑑𝑒 𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑚𝑏𝑟𝑜 𝑡𝑟𝑜𝑢𝑥𝑒 𝑎̀ 𝑡𝑜𝑛𝑎 𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑜 𝑑𝑒𝑏𝑎𝑡𝑒 𝑠𝑜𝑏𝑟𝑒 𝑜 𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑐𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑎 𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙 𝑛𝑎 𝐸𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑎. 𝑂 𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑢𝑙𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜 ℎ𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑒̂𝑠 𝑠𝑒𝑔𝑢𝑒-𝑠𝑒 𝑎̀ 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑞𝑢𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑑𝑎 𝑙𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 𝑑𝑜 𝑔𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑛𝑜 𝑖𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑟 𝐺𝑖𝑜𝑟𝑔𝑖𝑎 𝑀𝑒𝑙𝑜𝑛𝑖, 𝑒𝑚 𝑠𝑒𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑏𝑟𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟸𝟸 𝑒 𝑎̀ 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑜𝑙𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜, 𝑛𝑜 𝑝𝑜́𝑑𝑖𝑜 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑠𝑜𝑛𝑑𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑛𝑠, 𝑑𝑒 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑔𝑒́𝑛𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑜 𝑅𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑒𝑚𝑏𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡 𝑁𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑒 𝑀𝑎𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑒 𝐿𝑒 𝑃𝑒𝑛 𝑒𝑚 𝐹𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎, 𝑎 𝐴𝑓𝐷 𝑛𝑎 𝐴𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑎𝑛ℎ𝑎, 𝑜 𝐶ℎ𝑒𝑔𝑎 𝑒𝑚 𝑃𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑢𝑔𝑎𝑙. 𝐴 𝑑𝑖𝑛𝑎̂𝑚𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑔𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑙 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑒́ 𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑣𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑟 𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑢𝑙𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑜𝑠 𝑓𝑎𝑣𝑜𝑟𝑎́𝑣𝑒𝑖𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑟𝑜𝑡𝑎 𝑑𝑜 𝑉𝑜𝑥 𝑛𝑎𝑠 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑠𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑠𝑝𝑎𝑛ℎ𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑗𝑢𝑙ℎ𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟸𝟹 𝑜𝑢 𝑎 𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑜 𝑔𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑛𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜 𝑃𝑖𝑆, 𝑛𝑎𝑠 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑠𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑜𝑢𝑡𝑢𝑏𝑟𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟸𝟹.

𝑇𝑢𝑑𝑜 𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑟𝑜́𝑥𝑖𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑖𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑗𝑢𝑛ℎ𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟸𝟺 𝑝𝑜𝑠𝑠𝑎𝑚 𝑟𝑒𝑝𝑙𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑟 𝑜 𝑒̂𝑥𝑖𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑎 𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟷𝟺, 𝑠𝑜́ 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑙𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑎𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑢𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑒𝑚 𝟸𝟶𝟷𝟿. 𝑂 𝑃𝑎𝑟𝑙𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝐸𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢 𝑓𝑜𝑖 𝑠𝑒𝑚𝑝𝑟𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑎𝑙𝑐𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑣𝑖𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑐𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑎 𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙. 𝑆𝑒 𝑛𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑖𝑟𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑖𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝟷𝟿𝟽𝟿, 𝑢𝑚 𝑢́𝑛𝑖𝑐𝑜 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑎 𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙 𝑎𝑐𝑒𝑑𝑒𝑢 𝑎𝑜 ℎ𝑒𝑚𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑐𝑙𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑠𝑏𝑢𝑟𝑔𝑜 - 𝑜 𝑀𝑜𝑣𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑆𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑙 𝐼𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑜 (𝑀𝑆𝐼), 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑐𝑖𝑛𝑐𝑜 𝑑𝑒𝑝𝑢𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 -, 𝑎𝑠 𝑢́𝑙𝑡𝑖𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝟸𝟶𝟷𝟿 𝑣𝑖𝑟𝑎𝑚 𝑎 𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑖𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝟷𝟹𝟻 𝑑𝑒𝑝𝑢𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑖𝑠, 𝑒𝑞𝑢𝑖𝑣𝑎𝑙𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑠 𝑎 𝟷𝟾% 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑖𝑠𝑝𝑜𝑛𝑖́𝑣𝑒𝑖𝑠. 𝐶𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑢𝑑𝑜, 𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑗𝑢𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑑𝑒𝑝𝑢𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑒𝑚 𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑐𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑛𝑢𝑛𝑐𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜𝑢 𝑢𝑚 𝑏𝑙𝑜𝑐𝑜 𝑚𝑜𝑛𝑜𝑙𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑜. 𝑁𝑎 𝑢́𝑙𝑡𝑖𝑚𝑎 𝑑𝑒́𝑐𝑎𝑑𝑎, 𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑎𝑓𝑒𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑎 𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑓𝑎𝑚𝑖́𝑙𝑖𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑚 𝑣𝑖𝑑𝑎 𝑎 𝑡𝑟𝑒̂𝑠 𝑔𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑖𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑠, 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑜𝑠𝑖𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑣𝑎𝑟𝑖𝑎́𝑣𝑒𝑙 𝑒 𝑒𝑚 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑐𝑜𝑟𝑟𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑚𝑢́𝑡𝑢𝑎. 𝐴𝑡𝑢𝑎𝑙𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒, 𝑑𝑜𝑖𝑠 𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑜𝑠 𝑔𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜𝑠 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑎 𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙: 𝑜 𝑔𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝐶𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑒𝑟𝑣𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑒 𝑅𝑒𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑠 𝐸𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢𝑠 (𝐸𝐶𝑅) 𝑒 𝑜 𝑔𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜 𝐼𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑒 𝐷𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑐𝑖𝑎 (𝐼𝐷). 𝐹𝑢𝑛𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑒𝑟𝑣𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑏𝑟𝑖𝑡𝑎̂𝑛𝑖𝑐𝑜𝑠 𝑒𝑚 𝟸𝟶𝟶𝟿, 𝑜 𝐸𝐶𝑅 𝑝𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑜𝑢 𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑟 𝑑𝑜𝑚𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑐𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝑃𝑖𝑆, 𝑎𝑝𝑜́𝑠 𝑎 𝑠𝑎𝑖́𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑒𝑝𝑢𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝑅𝑒𝑖𝑛𝑜 𝑈𝑛𝑖𝑑𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑜 𝐵𝑟𝑒𝑥𝑖𝑡 𝑒 𝑎 𝑡𝑒𝑟 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑝𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑙𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 𝑜𝑠 𝐼𝑟𝑚𝑎̃𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝐼𝑡𝑎́𝑙𝑖𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑀𝑒𝑙𝑜𝑛𝑖 𝑒 𝑜 𝑉𝑜𝑥 𝑑𝑒 𝑆𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑎𝑔𝑜 𝐴𝑏𝑎𝑠𝑐𝑎𝑙. 𝐼𝑚𝑝𝑢𝑙𝑠𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜𝑠 𝑓𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑐𝑒𝑠𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝑅𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑒𝑚𝑏𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡 𝑁𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑒 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜𝑠 𝑖𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝐿𝑖𝑔𝑎, 𝑜 𝐼𝐷 ℎ𝑜𝑠𝑝𝑒𝑑𝑎 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑒𝑚 𝑎𝑠𝑐𝑒𝑛𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑜 ℎ𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑒̂𝑠 𝑃𝑉𝑉, 𝑜 𝑎𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑎̃𝑜 𝐴𝑓𝐷 𝑒, 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑑𝑒 𝑗𝑢𝑛ℎ𝑜 𝟸𝟶𝟸𝟶, 𝑜 𝐶ℎ𝑒𝑔𝑎. 𝑂𝑠 𝑑𝑜𝑖𝑠 𝑔𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜𝑠 𝑡𝑒̂𝑚 𝑝𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑒𝑚 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑢𝑚, 𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑡𝑎𝑚𝑏𝑒́𝑚 𝑑𝑖𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑐̧𝑎𝑠 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑛𝑎̃𝑜 𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑚𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑚 𝑓𝑎𝑙𝑎𝑟 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑎 𝑢𝑛𝑖́𝑣𝑜𝑐𝑎 𝑒 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑑𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑢𝑙𝑡𝑎𝑚 𝑎 𝑐𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑔𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜 𝑢́𝑛𝑖𝑐𝑜. 𝐴𝑠 𝑠𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑙ℎ𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑒 𝐸𝐶𝑅 𝑒 𝐼𝐷 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑚 𝑒𝑚 𝑡𝑟𝑒̂𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑜𝑠: 𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑗𝑒𝑖𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑗𝑒𝑡𝑜 𝑓𝑒𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢, 𝑒𝑚 𝑑𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑠𝑎 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑠𝑜𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑛𝑎𝑐𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑖𝑠; 𝑎 𝑚𝑢𝑑𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑔𝑚𝑎 𝑛𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑚𝑖𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝑈𝐸, 𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑜 𝑎̀ 𝑑𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑠𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑐𝑒𝑟𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑓𝑟𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑖𝑟𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑥𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑛𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝐸𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑎; 𝑎 𝑜𝑝𝑜𝑠𝑖𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑎̀ 𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑎 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑔𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑒𝑚 𝑚𝑎𝑡𝑒́𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑒́𝑚𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑎𝑠 𝑎𝑙𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑐𝑙𝑖𝑚𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠, 𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑎𝑠 𝑚𝑖𝑛𝑜𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑠 𝑠𝑒𝑥𝑢𝑎𝑖𝑠, 𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑔𝑒́𝑛𝑒𝑟𝑜, 𝑜 𝑚𝑢𝑙𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑢𝑙𝑡𝑢𝑟𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜.

𝐹𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑒𝑠 𝑠𝑎̃𝑜, 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑢𝑑𝑜, 𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑖𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑐̧𝑎𝑠. 𝑂 𝐸𝐶𝑅 𝑔𝑢𝑖𝑎-𝑠𝑒 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜 𝑐ℎ𝑎𝑚𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑟𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜: 𝑎 𝑛𝑒𝑐𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝑑𝑖𝑎𝑙𝑜𝑔𝑎𝑟 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑎𝑡𝑜𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑖𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑖𝑎𝑠, 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑜 𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑢𝑖𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑢𝑙𝑎𝑟 𝑜 𝑒𝑖𝑥𝑜 𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑒 𝑃𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜 𝑃𝑜𝑝𝑢𝑙𝑎𝑟 𝐸𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢 (𝑃𝑃𝐸) 𝑒 𝑆𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑖𝑠-𝐷𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑎𝑠 (𝑆&𝐷), 𝑒𝑚 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑙 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑜 𝑒𝑖𝑥𝑜 𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑒 𝑃𝑃𝐸 𝑒 𝐸𝐶𝑅 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑚𝑜𝑑𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑜 𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝐵𝑟𝑢𝑥𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑚 𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑣𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑠. 𝑂 𝐼𝐷, 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑎́𝑟𝑖𝑜, 𝑚𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒́𝑚 𝑎𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑎 𝑢𝑚𝑎 𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑓𝑟𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝐵𝑟𝑢𝑥𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑠, 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝑎𝑡𝑒́ 𝑎 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑖𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑜 𝑎 𝐶𝑜𝑚𝑖𝑠𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝐸𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑖𝑎. 𝐴𝑝𝑜́𝑠 𝑜 𝐵𝑟𝑒𝑥𝑖𝑡, 𝑜 𝐼𝐷 𝑚𝑜𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑜𝑢 𝑜 𝑡𝑜𝑚 𝑎𝑐𝑒𝑟𝑐𝑎 𝑑𝑎 𝑠𝑎𝑖́𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑎 𝑈𝐸 𝑜𝑢 𝑑𝑎 𝑚𝑜𝑒𝑑𝑎 𝑢́𝑛𝑖𝑐𝑎, 𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑚𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒́𝑚 𝑢𝑚 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑐𝑒𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑎𝑐𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑢𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑜 𝐸𝐶𝑅.

𝐸𝑚 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑖𝑎, 𝐸𝐶𝑅 𝑒́ 𝑓𝑎𝑣𝑜𝑟𝑎́𝑣𝑒𝑙 𝑎𝑜 𝑎𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑈𝐸 𝑎𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑎𝑖́𝑠𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝐿𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑒, 𝑎𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑣𝑒́𝑠 𝑑𝑜 𝑚𝑒𝑟𝑐𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑢𝑚 𝑒 𝑎𝑠 𝑠𝑢𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑜́𝑚𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑙𝑖𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑖𝑠. 𝑂 𝐼𝐷, 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑎́𝑟𝑖𝑜, 𝑜𝑝𝑜̃𝑒-𝑠𝑒 𝑎𝑜 𝑎𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜, 𝑝𝑜𝑟 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑎́-𝑙𝑜 𝑢𝑚 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑃𝑃𝐸 𝑒 𝑆&𝐷 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑟 𝑜 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑗𝑒𝑡𝑜 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢 𝑎𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑣𝑒́𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑜𝑠 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑚𝑒𝑚𝑏𝑟𝑜𝑠 𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑎𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑣𝑎𝑟 𝑓𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑛𝑐𝑒𝑖𝑟𝑜 𝑢𝑙𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑜𝑟 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑎𝑖́𝑠𝑒𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑖𝑏𝑢𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑠 𝑙𝑖́𝑞𝑢𝑖𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝑈𝐸.

𝑁𝑎 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑛𝑎𝑐𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙, 𝑜 𝐸𝐶𝑅 𝑎𝑝𝑜𝑖𝑎 𝑐𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑜 𝑎𝑡𝑙𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑠𝑚𝑜: 𝑐𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑏𝑜𝑟𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑜𝑠 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑈𝑛𝑖𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑒 𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑒𝑐𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑑𝑜 𝑝𝑎𝑝𝑒𝑙 𝑑𝑎 𝑈𝐸 𝑛𝑎 𝑁𝐴𝑇𝑂, 𝑖𝑛𝑐𝑙𝑢𝑠𝑖𝑣𝑒 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑎 𝑜 𝑠𝑒𝑢 𝑎𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑎 𝐿𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑒. 𝐸𝑚𝑏𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑎́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑜 𝑑𝑖𝑠𝑠𝑜 𝑒́ 𝑜 𝑎𝑝𝑜𝑖𝑜 𝑖𝑛𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑜 𝐸𝐶𝑅 𝑎 𝐾𝑖𝑒𝑣, 𝑛𝑎 𝑔𝑢𝑒𝑟𝑟𝑎 𝑟𝑢𝑠𝑠𝑜-𝑢𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑎. 𝑂 𝐼𝐷, 𝑝𝑒𝑙𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑎́𝑟𝑖𝑜, 𝑎𝑙𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑔𝑎 𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑏𝑖𝑙𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒𝑠 𝑐𝑟𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑎 𝑠𝑢𝑏𝑠𝑒𝑟𝑣𝑖𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑑𝑎 𝑈𝐸 𝑎̀ 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑛𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑒-𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑛𝑎. 𝐷𝑒𝑠𝑑𝑒 𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑒𝑐̧𝑜 𝑑𝑎 𝑖𝑛𝑣𝑎𝑠𝑎̃𝑜 𝑟𝑢𝑠𝑠𝑎, 𝑜 𝑔𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜 𝑚𝑜𝑑𝑒𝑟𝑜𝑢 𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒𝑐𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑐̧𝑜̃𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑥𝑖𝑚𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑎𝑜 𝑟𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑚𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝑃𝑢𝑡𝑖𝑛, 𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑎𝑓𝑎𝑠𝑡𝑎-𝑠𝑒 𝑡𝑎𝑚𝑏𝑒́𝑚 𝑑𝑎 𝑠𝑜𝑙𝑖𝑑𝑎𝑟𝑖𝑒𝑑𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑒 𝐵𝑟𝑢𝑥𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑚 𝑜 𝑟𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑚𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝐾𝑖𝑒𝑣. 𝐴 𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑐𝑟𝑖𝑠𝑒 𝑖𝑠𝑟𝑎𝑒𝑙𝑜-𝑝𝑎𝑙𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑛𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑎 𝑒𝑠𝑚𝑜𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑒𝑢 𝑎 𝑑𝑖𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑔𝑒̂𝑛𝑐𝑖𝑎 𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑒 𝐸𝐶𝑅 𝑒 𝐼𝐷, 𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑐̧𝑎𝑠 𝑎𝑜 𝑎𝑝𝑜𝑖𝑜 𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑎𝑜 𝐸𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝐼𝑠𝑟𝑎𝑒𝑙.

𝑁𝑜 𝑃𝑎𝑟𝑙𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝐸𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢, 𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑜𝑖𝑠 𝑔𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜𝑠 𝑣𝑜𝑡𝑎𝑚 𝑓𝑟𝑒𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑒𝑚 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑗𝑢𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑠𝑜𝑏𝑟𝑒 𝑜𝑠 𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑚𝑎𝑖𝑠 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑒́𝑚𝑖𝑐𝑜𝑠 𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑏𝑜𝑟𝑎𝑚 𝑝𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑢𝑎𝑙𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑒𝑚 𝑒𝑣𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑜𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑢𝑛𝑠. 𝐶𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑢𝑑𝑜, 𝑎 ℎ𝑖𝑝𝑜́𝑡𝑒𝑠𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑚 𝑔𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢 𝑢́𝑛𝑖𝑐𝑜 𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑒 𝑡𝑜𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑖𝑡𝑎 𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑛𝑢𝑎 𝑏𝑎𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑖𝑚𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑣𝑎́𝑣𝑒𝑙. 𝐴 ℎ𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑜́𝑟𝑖𝑎 𝑎𝑣𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 𝑒 𝑎𝑙𝑔𝑢𝑚𝑎𝑠 𝑐𝑟𝑖𝑠𝑒𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑟𝑟𝑜𝑏𝑜𝑟𝑎𝑚 𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑎 𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑖𝑎. 𝐴 𝑔𝑢𝑒𝑟𝑟𝑎 𝑟𝑢𝑠𝑠𝑜-𝑢𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑎, 𝑝𝑜𝑟 𝑒𝑥𝑒𝑚𝑝𝑙𝑜, 𝑒𝑛𝑓𝑟𝑎𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑐𝑒𝑢 𝑎 𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑐̧𝑎 𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑒 𝑜 𝑃𝑖𝑆 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑎𝑐𝑜 𝑒 𝑜 𝐹𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑧 ℎ𝑢́𝑛𝑔𝑎𝑟𝑜 𝑛𝑜 𝐺𝑟𝑢𝑝𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝑉𝑖𝑠𝑒𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑜 𝑒 𝑎𝑠 𝑐𝑟𝑖́𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑉𝑖𝑘𝑡𝑜𝑟 𝑂𝑟𝑏𝑎́𝑛 𝑎̀ 𝑝𝑜𝑠𝑖𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑑𝑒 𝐵𝑟𝑢𝑥𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑠 𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑒 𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑓𝑙𝑖𝑡𝑜 𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑓𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑚 𝑜𝑠 𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑢𝑠𝑖𝑎𝑠𝑚𝑜𝑠 𝑒𝑚 𝑟𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑐̧𝑎̃𝑜 𝑎𝑜 𝑠𝑒𝑢 𝑝𝑎𝑝𝑒𝑙 𝑑𝑒 𝑢𝑛𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑑𝑜𝑟 𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑑𝑜𝑠 𝑠𝑜𝑏𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑠 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑢𝑠.

* Professor e investigador no ISCTE

IN "DIÁRIO DE NOTÍCIAS"- 24/11/23 .