27/03/2023

EDMUNDO ALVES

 .




O que se passa  com a direita 

Com o aparecimento dos partidos Chega e Iniciativa Liberal, deu-se início de uma separação de águas na direita, que poderá ser conjuntural ou não, o futuro o dirá, mas que é consequência das particularidades do nascimento da direita em democracia.

𝘈 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝘊𝘩𝘦𝘨𝘢 𝘦 𝘥𝘰 𝘐𝘯𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘢 𝘓𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘭 𝘢𝘭𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘰𝘶 𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘯𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘮𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘶𝘨𝘶𝘦𝘴𝘢, 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢́𝘷𝘦𝘭 𝘥𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘵𝘳𝘰 𝘥𝘦́𝘤𝘢𝘥𝘢𝘴. 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘭𝘩𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮, 𝘦𝘮 𝘳𝘦𝘨𝘪𝘮𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘥𝘶𝘰𝘱𝘰́𝘭𝘪𝘰, 𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘥𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘮𝘰́𝘳𝘥𝘪𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘨𝘪𝘮𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘰, 𝘴𝘦𝘮 𝘲𝘶𝘦, 𝘢𝘵𝘦́ 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟫, 𝘴𝘶𝘳𝘨𝘪𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘮 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘤̧𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘭𝘩𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘱𝘶𝘵𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘮 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘦 𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘯𝘢 𝘈𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘣𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘙𝘦𝘱𝘶́𝘣𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘢.

𝘗𝘦𝘭𝘢 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘢 𝘷𝘦𝘻, 𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘩𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘰́𝘳𝘪𝘤𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘧𝘳𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘰 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘢𝘧𝘪𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘳𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢, 𝘦𝘷𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰, 𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘷𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘧𝘢𝘭𝘵𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘦𝘹𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢, 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘪𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘴 𝘯𝘢 𝘨𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘰𝘷𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘪𝘳𝘤𝘶𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘢̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘴. 𝘖 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘷𝘦̂-𝘴𝘦 𝘢 𝘣𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘣𝘭𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘧𝘪𝘯𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘢𝘯𝘤̧𝘢𝘴, 𝘩𝘦𝘴𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘳𝘢 𝘢𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘹𝘪𝘮𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘰 𝘊𝘩𝘦𝘨𝘢 𝘰𝘶 𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘶𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘥𝘢̃𝘰 𝘴𝘢𝘯𝘪𝘵𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰 𝘦𝘮 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘷𝘦𝘶.

𝘖𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘪𝘴-𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘢𝘴, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘳𝘦 𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘯𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘰 𝘴𝘦𝘶 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘰 𝘯𝘢𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘭 𝘥𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘭𝘪𝘨𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰, 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘧𝘳𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘮-𝘴𝘦 𝘢𝘨𝘰𝘳𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘢 𝘮𝘦𝘴𝘮𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘪𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦 𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘢 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰 𝘗𝘚 𝘥𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘦́𝘤𝘢𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘦𝘨𝘶𝘪𝘳 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘣𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘤𝘦𝘳 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘢̀ 𝘴𝘶𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢. 𝘑𝘢́ 𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘥𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢-𝘴𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘶𝘮 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘢𝘧𝘪𝘰 𝘦𝘹𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭: 𝘦𝘹𝘤𝘭𝘶𝘪́𝘥𝘰, 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘢 𝘷𝘦𝘻 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘥𝘦 𝘢𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘤̧𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘢 𝘈𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘣𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘢 𝘊𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘵𝘶𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦, 𝘥𝘢 𝘪𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘵𝘶𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘭𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘳, 𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘷𝘪𝘶 𝘰 𝘴𝘦𝘶 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘴𝘶𝘨𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘯𝘰𝘷𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴.

𝘉𝘢𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘰𝘭𝘩𝘢𝘳𝘮𝘰𝘴, 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘦𝘹𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘭𝘰, 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘰𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘶𝘭𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘢𝘴 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘤̧𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘭𝘦𝘨𝘪𝘴𝘭𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟫 𝘦 𝟤𝟢𝟤𝟤 𝘦𝘮 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘭𝘩𝘰𝘴, 𝘓𝘪𝘴𝘣𝘰𝘢 𝘦 𝘊𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘢𝘪𝘴, 𝘦 𝘦𝘮 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘳 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘳𝘦𝘨𝘶𝘦𝘴𝘪𝘢𝘴 𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘩𝘢𝘣𝘪𝘵𝘶𝘢𝘭𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘰𝘣𝘵𝘪𝘯𝘩𝘢𝘮 𝘮𝘦𝘭𝘩𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘷𝘰𝘵𝘢𝘤̧𝘰̃𝘦𝘴, 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘴𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘵𝘢𝘳 𝘵𝘢𝘭 𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘴𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘷𝘰𝘵𝘰𝘴.

𝘘𝘶𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘢̃𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢̃𝘰 𝘰𝘴 𝘮𝘰𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘦 𝘢𝘣𝘢𝘭𝘰 𝘯𝘰 𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘵𝘶 𝘲𝘶𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘶𝘨𝘶𝘦𝘴𝘢? 𝘕𝘢̃𝘰 𝘴𝘦 𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘦 𝘢𝘲𝘶𝘪 𝘢𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘳 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘢𝘯𝘢́𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘦 𝘢𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘧𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘢, 𝘱𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘰 𝘧𝘦𝘯𝘰́𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘰 𝘦́ 𝘢𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘴𝘪𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘧𝘶𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘰 𝘪𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘳𝘵𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘦 𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘴𝘢𝘮 𝘦𝘹𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘪𝘳 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘭𝘶𝘴𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘴𝘰́𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘦 𝘰 𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘢𝘤̧𝘰 𝘦𝘹𝘪́𝘨𝘶𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘵𝘢𝘭. 𝘈𝘰𝘴 𝘮𝘰𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘰𝘴 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘳𝘦𝘳𝘢̃𝘰 𝘵𝘢𝘮𝘣𝘦́𝘮 𝘮𝘰𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘯𝘢𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘦𝘻𝘢 𝘦𝘹𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘢 𝘢𝘰 𝘴𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘰 𝘯𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘮 𝘵𝘦𝘳 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘣𝘶𝘪́𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘢𝘭𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰, 𝘯𝘰𝘮𝘦𝘢𝘥𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘯𝘰 𝘤𝘢𝘴𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝘊𝘩𝘦𝘨𝘢, 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘣𝘦𝘯𝘦𝘧𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘶 𝘥𝘰 𝘤𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘤𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘯𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘪𝘮𝘪𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘦𝘴. 𝘗𝘰𝘳𝘦́𝘮, 𝘯𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘰𝘳𝘥𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘮 𝘯𝘦𝘤𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘣𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘦, 𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘢𝘪𝘢𝘳-𝘴𝘦-𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘭𝘨𝘶𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘵𝘢.

𝘈 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘦 𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰

𝘈 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘶𝘨𝘶𝘦𝘴𝘢 𝘦𝘮 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘣𝘭𝘦𝘮𝘢 𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘦́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘰. 𝘕𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘦 𝘤𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘻𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘢̀ 𝘦𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢, 𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰 𝘪𝘯𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘰 𝘨𝘰𝘭𝘱𝘦 𝘮𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘳 𝘥𝘦 𝟤𝟧 𝘥𝘦 𝘈𝘣𝘳𝘪𝘭 𝘥𝘦 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟦 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘰𝘶 𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘴𝘪𝘷𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘢 𝘰𝘳𝘨𝘢𝘯𝘪𝘻𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘶𝘨𝘶𝘦𝘴𝘢.

𝘈𝘰 𝘪𝘯𝘷𝘦́𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘯𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘦𝘳 𝘦𝘹𝘤𝘭𝘶𝘴𝘪𝘷𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘢 𝘪𝘯𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘢 𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘢̃, 𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢̃𝘰 𝘯𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘢 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘢𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘭𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘮𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘦 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘮𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘮. 𝘋𝘢𝘲𝘶𝘪 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘶𝘭𝘵𝘰𝘶 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘵𝘰𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘤̧𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘮𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘴 𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘥𝘪𝘢𝘵𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘢𝘰 𝘨𝘰𝘭𝘱𝘦, 𝘴𝘰𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘷𝘪𝘢𝘣𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦: 𝘰 𝘗𝘗𝘋/𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦 𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚. 𝘈𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘤̧𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘮 𝘦𝘹𝘵𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘴, 𝘴𝘰𝘣𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘶𝘥𝘰 𝘯𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘤𝘢𝘭𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝟤𝟪 𝘥𝘦 𝘚𝘦𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘣𝘳𝘰, 𝘦𝘹𝘤𝘦𝘱𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘧𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘢𝘰 𝘗𝘋𝘊 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢, 𝘯𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘰, 𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘴𝘶𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘴𝘶𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘦𝘯𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘷𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘢𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝟣𝟣 𝘥𝘦 𝘔𝘢𝘳𝘤̧𝘰, 𝘫𝘢𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘴𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘰.

𝘈 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘷𝘢 𝘢𝘴 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘶𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘢𝘱𝘰𝘪𝘰 𝘦 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘱𝘢𝘨𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘰 𝘌𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘕𝘰𝘷𝘰 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘱𝘦𝘯𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘢𝘤̧𝘰 𝘯𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘹𝘵𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘦𝘳𝘢 𝘵𝘢̃𝘰 𝘤𝘭𝘪𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘭𝘢𝘳 𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘶𝘤𝘰 𝘥𝘰𝘶𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘯𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘷𝘪𝘤𝘵𝘢, 𝘳𝘶𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘴𝘦𝘮 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰́𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘨𝘪𝘮𝘦 𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰-𝘭𝘩𝘦 𝘰𝘶 𝘰 𝘴𝘪𝘭𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘰 𝘰𝘶 𝘢 𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘯𝘰 𝘴𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘰 𝘯𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦.

𝘑𝘢́ 𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘢̀ 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘯𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘢, 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘢𝘤𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘢 𝘯𝘰 𝘮𝘦𝘪𝘰 𝘶𝘯𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘴𝘪𝘵𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰, 𝘤𝘳𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘢𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘦 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘱𝘶𝘨𝘯𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘶𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘢 𝘱𝘶𝘳𝘦𝘻𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘙𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘕𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭 𝘢𝘤𝘢𝘣𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘢 – 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰 𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘭𝘢 – 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘳 𝘢𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦 𝘢𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘦 𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘪𝘮𝘪𝘭𝘢𝘳 𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘯𝘤𝘪́𝘱𝘪𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘰𝘴.

𝘕𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘦 𝘢 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘧𝘦𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘯𝘦𝘰𝘭𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘭, 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘰 𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘰 – 𝘢 𝘦𝘹𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘳 𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 – 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘴𝘪𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘦𝘮𝘣𝘳𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘢, 𝘦𝘴𝘤𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘢 𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘰𝘳𝘨𝘢̂𝘯𝘪𝘤𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘴𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘵𝘶𝘪𝘳 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘤̧𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢, 𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘦𝘮 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘢𝘣𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝘭𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘮𝘰 𝘢 𝘯𝘪́𝘷𝘦𝘭 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭 𝘴𝘰́ 𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘯𝘨𝘪𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘰𝘳 𝘦𝘹𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘢̃𝘰 𝘯𝘢 𝘥𝘦́𝘤𝘢𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘰𝘪𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢.

𝘈 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘴𝘰𝘣𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘢𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰 𝘤𝘪𝘳𝘤𝘶𝘯𝘴𝘤𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘦𝘶-𝘴𝘦, 𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘪𝘮, 𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘷𝘢𝘮 𝘥𝘶𝘢𝘴 𝘭𝘪𝘯𝘩𝘢𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘮𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘣 𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘵𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘪́𝘯𝘪𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘔𝘢𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘭𝘰 𝘊𝘢𝘦𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘰. 𝘖 𝘗𝘗𝘋/𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦𝘳𝘢 𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘤𝘭𝘪𝘯𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘩𝘢𝘮𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘭𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘪𝘴, 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘯𝘢𝘴 𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘈𝘤𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘕𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭 𝘗𝘰𝘱𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘳 (𝘈𝘕𝘗) 𝘦𝘮 𝟣𝟫𝟨𝟫 𝘢̀ 𝘈𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘣𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘢 𝘕𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭 𝘦 𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘳𝘦𝘶𝘯𝘪𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘰 𝘤𝘩𝘢𝘮𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘎𝘳𝘶𝘱𝘰 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘘𝘶𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘢𝘴-𝘧𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘢𝘴, 𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘪𝘮 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘪𝘨𝘯𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘦 𝘰 𝘥𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘢 𝘦𝘮 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘶𝘴 𝘮𝘦𝘮𝘣𝘳𝘰𝘴, 𝘪𝘯𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘮𝘢𝘭𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘍𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘰 𝘈𝘮𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘭, 𝘴𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘶𝘯𝘪𝘢𝘮 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘶𝘵𝘪𝘳 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢 𝘯𝘰 𝘦𝘹𝘤𝘭𝘶𝘴𝘪𝘷𝘰 𝘛𝘶𝘳𝘧 𝘊𝘭𝘶𝘣, 𝘢𝘰 𝘊𝘩𝘪𝘢𝘥𝘰. 𝘊𝘰𝘶𝘣𝘦, 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘦 𝘮𝘰𝘥𝘰, 𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘱𝘦𝘭 𝘥𝘦 𝘤𝘢𝘴𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘶𝘯𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘢𝘭𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘨𝘢𝘳 𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘴, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘦 𝘢𝘤𝘰𝘭𝘩𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘮, 𝘯𝘦𝘮 𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘳𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘮𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘤𝘪́𝘧𝘪𝘤𝘢, 𝘴𝘰𝘣 𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘵𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘪́𝘷𝘦𝘪𝘴.

𝘖 𝘗𝘚𝘋, 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘦 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘰 𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘯𝘰𝘶-𝘴𝘦 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘧𝘳𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘰𝘴𝘢 𝘢́𝘳𝘷𝘰𝘳𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘮𝘶𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘳𝘢𝘮𝘰𝘴, 𝘢𝘤𝘰𝘭𝘩𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘥𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘶𝘣𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘷𝘦𝘭𝘩𝘢 𝘨𝘶𝘢𝘳𝘥𝘢 𝘢 𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘨𝘰𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘥𝘳𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘈𝘕𝘗. 𝘊𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘤𝘢𝘵𝘤𝘩 𝘢𝘭𝘭, 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘪𝘨𝘯𝘢𝘮 𝘰𝘴 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘶𝘥𝘪𝘰𝘴𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘵𝘦́𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘤𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘪́𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘴, 𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘴𝘶𝘳𝘨𝘦 𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘰𝘭𝘰𝘨𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘱𝘰𝘶𝘤𝘰 𝘥𝘦𝘧𝘪𝘯𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘹𝘪𝘮𝘪𝘻𝘢𝘳 𝘢 𝘴𝘶𝘢 𝘦𝘧𝘪𝘤𝘢́𝘤𝘪𝘢 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘭 𝘦 𝘤𝘢𝘱𝘵𝘢𝘳 𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘥𝘳𝘰𝘴 𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘪𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘯𝘶𝘮 𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘨𝘰 𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘳𝘰.

𝘖 𝘊𝘋𝘚, 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘴𝘦𝘶 𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘯𝘰, 𝘦𝘮𝘣𝘰𝘳𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘦𝘴𝘰 𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘰𝘭𝘰𝘨𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦, 𝘵𝘢𝘮𝘣𝘦́𝘮 𝘢𝘤𝘰𝘭𝘩𝘪𝘢 𝘷𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘪𝘣𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘴, 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘢𝘴-𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢̃𝘰𝘴 𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘷𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴, 𝘢𝘭𝘦́𝘮 𝘥𝘦, 𝘢 𝘯𝘪́𝘷𝘦𝘭 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘣𝘢𝘴𝘦𝘴 𝘦 𝘥𝘰 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰, 𝘢 𝘧𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘫𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘷𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘢 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘷𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘢 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰. 𝘊𝘦𝘥𝘰 𝘴𝘦 𝘭𝘩𝘦𝘴 𝘫𝘶𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘮 𝘢𝘭𝘨𝘶𝘯𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘨𝘰𝘴 𝘯𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘵𝘶𝘪𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘮 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘰𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘯𝘦𝘰𝘭𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘪𝘴.

𝘗𝘦𝘳𝘤𝘶𝘳𝘴𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘯𝘰 𝘱𝘰́𝘴-𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰

𝘍𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰 𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘶𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘨𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰𝘴, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘤̧𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘣𝘦𝘳 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘮𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘻𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘦𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢, 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘷𝘢̃𝘰-𝘴𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦. 𝘌 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘯𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘲𝘶𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘦 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘥𝘦𝘧𝘪𝘯𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘧𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘴, 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘰𝘶 𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘢𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴, 𝘷𝘢̃𝘰 𝘴𝘶𝘳𝘨𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘳𝘢𝘮𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘢𝘮𝘪́𝘭𝘪𝘢𝘴.

𝘕𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘰𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘳𝘦 𝘰 𝘤𝘩𝘰𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 𝘚𝘢́ 𝘊𝘢𝘳𝘯𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘰, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘥𝘦𝘧𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘢 𝘶𝘮 𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘰-𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰, 𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘩𝘢𝘮𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴 “𝘐𝘯𝘢𝘥𝘪𝘢́𝘷𝘦𝘪𝘴”, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘶𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘷𝘢𝘮 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘰-𝘦𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢, 𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘱𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘨𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘤𝘢𝘭𝘢. 𝘕𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚, 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘴𝘦𝘶 𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘯𝘰, 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘦𝘤̧𝘢𝘷𝘢 𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘣𝘰𝘤̧𝘢𝘳-𝘴𝘦, 𝘭𝘰𝘨𝘰 𝘯𝘰 𝘐𝘐𝘐 𝘊𝘰𝘯𝘨𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘰, 𝘦𝘮 𝟣𝟫𝟩𝟪, 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘧𝘦𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘭𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘭 𝘦 𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘶𝘮𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢, 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘵𝘢𝘨𝘰𝘯𝘪𝘻𝘢𝘥𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘍𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘰 𝘓𝘶𝘤𝘢𝘴 𝘗𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘴, 𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝘫𝘢́ 𝘳𝘦𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘯𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘮𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘰.

𝘈𝘴 𝘤𝘭𝘪𝘷𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘯𝘴 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘢̃𝘰 𝘴𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘢𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘶𝘢𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢 𝘴𝘶𝘢 𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘵𝘦𝘮 𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘢𝘱𝘢𝘻𝘪𝘨𝘶𝘢𝘳 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘧𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘴. 𝘍𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘰𝘴 𝘵𝘳𝘦̂𝘴 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘈𝘋, 𝘦𝘮 𝟣𝟫𝟪𝟥, 𝘢 𝘴𝘪𝘵𝘶𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘭𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘢-𝘴𝘦. 𝘖 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦́ 𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘶𝘳𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘪𝘳𝘤𝘶𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘢̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘴 𝘢𝘥𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘴𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘦𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘰𝘮𝘪𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘢𝘯𝘤̧𝘢 𝘤𝘪𝘳𝘤𝘶𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘢̀ 𝘴𝘶𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘳𝘥𝘢 – 𝘰 𝘉𝘭𝘰𝘤𝘰 𝘊𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘭 – 𝘦 𝘯𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘭𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘭 𝘥𝘦 𝘓𝘶𝘤𝘢𝘴 𝘗𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘢𝘭𝘤𝘢𝘯𝘤̧𝘢 𝘢 𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘤̧𝘢, 𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘳𝘰𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘢 𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢 𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘴𝘱𝘪𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘢-𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢̃.

𝘊𝘰𝘮 𝘰 𝘧𝘪𝘮 𝘥𝘰 𝘉𝘭𝘰𝘤𝘰 𝘊𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘭, 𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘪𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘤𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘰 𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘰-𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘊𝘢𝘷𝘢𝘤𝘰 𝘚𝘪𝘭𝘷𝘢, 𝘦𝘮 𝘭𝘪𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘚𝘢́ 𝘊𝘢𝘳𝘯𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘰. 𝘊𝘰𝘮 𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘶𝘴 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰𝘴, 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘢̃𝘰 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘤̧𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘪𝘯𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘢 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘷𝘢𝘥𝘢, 𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘢𝘮𝘱𝘭𝘪𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘦𝘮 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘢𝘥𝘮𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘢, 𝘥𝘦 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘦́ 𝘦𝘹𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘭𝘰 𝘢 𝘵𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘷𝘪𝘴𝘢̃𝘰. 𝘖 𝘱𝘢𝘪́𝘴 𝘢𝘣𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘷𝘢 𝘢 𝘊𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘵𝘶𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘦𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘰́𝘮𝘪𝘤𝘢 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘦 𝘢𝘣𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘢𝘷𝘢, 𝘦𝘯𝘧𝘪𝘮, 𝘢 𝘦𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘰𝘮𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘤𝘢𝘥𝘰.

𝘛𝘢𝘭 𝘳𝘶𝘮𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘱𝘶𝘯𝘩𝘢 𝘦𝘮 𝘤𝘩𝘦𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘭𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘭 𝘥𝘦 𝘓𝘶𝘤𝘢𝘴 𝘗𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘴, 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘳𝘦𝘥𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘢̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢, 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘦 𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘵𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘯𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰. 𝘌𝘴𝘤𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘰𝘴 𝘢𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘵𝘢𝘳𝘥𝘦, 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘦𝘲𝘶𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢 𝘵𝘢𝘮𝘣𝘦́𝘮 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘦𝘶𝘳𝘰𝘱𝘦𝘪́𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘶𝘮𝘪𝘶, 𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘶 𝘢̀ 𝘤𝘩𝘦𝘧𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘶𝘮 𝘴𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘰𝘳 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘢̀ 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘦 𝘤𝘦́𝘱𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘰 𝘦𝘮 𝘳𝘦𝘭𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘰 𝘢𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘧𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘦𝘶𝘳𝘰𝘱𝘦𝘪𝘢. 𝘈 𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘤̧𝘢 𝘥𝘦 𝘔𝘢𝘯𝘶𝘦𝘭 𝘔𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘶𝘻 𝘢𝘰 𝘢𝘧𝘢𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘩𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘰́𝘳𝘪𝘤𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰, 𝘥𝘦 𝘍𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘰 𝘈𝘮𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘭 𝘢 𝘓𝘶𝘤𝘢𝘴 𝘗𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘴, 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘷𝘪𝘤𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘧𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘫𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘰 𝘦𝘶𝘳𝘰𝘱𝘦𝘶.

𝘈 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘯𝘰 𝘴𝘦́𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘰 𝘟𝘟𝘐

𝘍𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘰𝘴 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘊𝘢𝘷𝘢𝘤𝘰 𝘚𝘪𝘭𝘷𝘢, 𝘢𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘷𝘢𝘥𝘢 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘭𝘰𝘯𝘨𝘢 𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘷𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘪𝘢 𝘯𝘰 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘰𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰, 𝘴𝘰𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘳𝘰𝘮𝘱𝘪𝘥𝘢, 𝘦𝘧𝘦𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦, 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 𝟤𝟢𝟢𝟤 𝘦 𝟤𝟢𝟢𝟧. 𝘖 𝘳𝘦𝘨𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘰 𝘢𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘥𝘢́-𝘴𝘦 𝘦𝘮 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟣, 𝘦𝘮 𝘮𝘰𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘦 𝘦𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘰́𝘮𝘪𝘤𝘢, 𝘤𝘰𝘮 𝘗𝘦𝘥𝘳𝘰 𝘗𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘰𝘴 𝘊𝘰𝘦𝘭𝘩𝘰. 𝘙𝘦𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮 𝘴𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘰𝘳 𝘪𝘯𝘧𝘭𝘶𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢𝘴 𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘪𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘦𝘰𝘭𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘪𝘴, 𝘗𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘰𝘴 𝘊𝘰𝘦𝘭𝘩𝘰 𝘢𝘮𝘣𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘰𝘶 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘪𝘴𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘓𝘦𝘪 𝘍𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘭 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘪𝘢 𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘷𝘪𝘴𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘊𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘵𝘶𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘦 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘶𝘮 𝘦𝘹𝘦𝘤𝘶𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘳𝘪𝘨𝘰𝘳𝘰𝘴𝘰 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘮𝘦𝘥𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘢𝘶𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘢 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘢𝘱𝘦𝘯𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘪𝘮𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰, 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘰 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘯𝘦𝘤𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘢́𝘳𝘪𝘢 𝘦 𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘥𝘢. 𝘛𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘷𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘢𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘮𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘰 𝘳𝘢𝘮𝘰 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭-𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢 𝘧𝘢𝘮𝘪́𝘭𝘪𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘯𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘱𝘶́𝘣𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘴 𝘢𝘴 𝘴𝘶𝘢𝘴 𝘤𝘳𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘴.

𝘕𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘢𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘥𝘪𝘻 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰, 𝘰 𝘭𝘰𝘯𝘨𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘗𝘢𝘶𝘭𝘰 𝘗𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘯𝘰𝘶 𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘩𝘪́𝘣𝘳𝘪𝘥𝘰, 𝘮𝘰𝘷𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘴𝘰𝘣𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘶𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰 𝘵𝘢𝘤𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘴𝘮𝘰. 𝘈𝘣𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰𝘯𝘰𝘶 𝘰 𝘦𝘶𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘦𝘱𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘴𝘮𝘰 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘴𝘦 𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘯𝘢𝘳 “𝘦𝘶𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘢𝘭𝘮𝘰” 𝘦 𝘧𝘰𝘪 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘨𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘪𝘷𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘢𝘣𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘷𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘮𝘰 𝘯𝘢𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘰̃𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘴𝘵𝘶𝘮𝘦𝘴, 𝘰𝘱𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘶𝘮 𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘢𝘯𝘰́𝘮𝘢𝘭𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 𝘶𝘮 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘴𝘱𝘪𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢̃ 𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘤𝘢𝘵𝘰́𝘭𝘪𝘤𝘰, 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘯𝘢𝘥𝘢 𝘢 𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘯𝘢𝘳 𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘢𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘰 𝘢 𝘶𝘮 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘫𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘮 𝘦 𝘶𝘳𝘣𝘢𝘯𝘰.

𝘊𝘩𝘦𝘨𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘢 𝟤𝟢𝟣𝟫, 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘮-𝘴𝘦 𝘯𝘰𝘷𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘦𝘮 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘦. 𝘖 𝘱𝘳𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘪𝘳𝘰, 𝘥𝘪𝘷𝘪𝘥𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 𝘰𝘴 “𝘱𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴” 𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘪𝘴-𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘢𝘴; 𝘰 𝘴𝘦𝘨𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘰, 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 “𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴” 𝘦 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘪𝘴-𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘦𝘳𝘷𝘢𝘥𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘴, 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘶𝘯𝘴 𝘦𝘴𝘤𝘢𝘴𝘴𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘢𝘴-𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢̃𝘰𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘢𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘢 𝘴𝘶𝘣𝘴𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘦𝘮.

𝘌́ 𝘯𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘹𝘵𝘰 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘯𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘦𝘮 𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘯𝘰𝘷𝘰𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢. 𝘖 𝘊𝘩𝘦𝘨𝘢 𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘯𝘢-𝘴𝘦 𝘢𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘰 𝘢̀ 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘮𝘶𝘴𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘥𝘢, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘴𝘦 𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘢 𝘴𝘪𝘭𝘦𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘴𝘢 𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘪𝘱𝘭𝘪𝘯𝘢𝘥𝘢 𝘴𝘰𝘣𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘶𝘥𝘰 𝘯𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚. 𝘖 𝘐𝘯𝘪𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘷𝘢 𝘓𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘭, 𝘥𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘰, 𝘦𝘯𝘧𝘪𝘮, 𝘥𝘪𝘨𝘯𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦 𝘥𝘦 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰 𝘢𝘰𝘴 𝘯𝘦𝘰𝘭𝘪𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘪𝘴, 𝘢𝘵𝘦́ 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘪𝘷𝘪𝘥𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦 𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦 𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚.

𝘊𝘰𝘮 𝘰 𝘢𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘤̧𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘴, 𝘥𝘦𝘶-𝘴𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘪́𝘤𝘪𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘶𝘮𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘢́𝘨𝘶𝘢𝘴 𝘯𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳𝘢́ 𝘴𝘦𝘳 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘫𝘶𝘯𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘭 𝘰𝘶 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰, 𝘰 𝘧𝘶𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘰 𝘰 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘢́, 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘦́ 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘦𝘲𝘶𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘰 𝘯𝘢𝘴𝘤𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘦𝘮 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘢. 𝘋𝘪𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘳𝘢𝘮𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘢 𝘧𝘢𝘮𝘪́𝘭𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘳𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘢 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘦𝘮 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘳 𝘢 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘢𝘳 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘢𝘶𝘵𝘰́𝘯𝘰𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘥𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘢𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰. 𝘘𝘶𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘢𝘰𝘴 𝘥𝘰𝘪𝘴 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘥𝘰𝘴 𝘩𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘰́𝘳𝘪𝘤𝘰𝘴 𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘮-𝘭𝘩𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘶𝘢𝘴 𝘱𝘰𝘴𝘴𝘪𝘣𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘥𝘦𝘴: 𝘰𝘶 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘦𝘨𝘶𝘦𝘮 𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘵𝘶𝘪𝘳 𝘰𝘴 𝘦𝘲𝘶𝘪𝘭𝘪́𝘣𝘳𝘪𝘰𝘴 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘰𝘣𝘳𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘴𝘦 𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘨𝘪𝘳𝘢𝘮, 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘰𝘴 𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘢̃𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘱𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘰𝘴 𝘢 𝘤𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘦𝘴, 𝘰𝘶 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘤𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘮 𝘶𝘮 𝘦𝘴𝘱𝘢𝘤̧𝘰 𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘰𝘭𝘰𝘨𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘧𝘪𝘯𝘪𝘥𝘰, 𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘰 𝘰 𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘰 – 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦 𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘯𝘥𝘦 𝘯𝘰 𝘤𝘢𝘴𝘰 𝘥𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 – 𝘥𝘦 𝘯𝘢̃𝘰 𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘶𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘳𝘦𝘮 𝘰 𝘦𝘭𝘦𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘲𝘶𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘱𝘦𝘭𝘰𝘴 𝘴𝘦𝘶𝘴 𝘯𝘰𝘷𝘰𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴.

𝘌́ 𝘶𝘮 𝘥𝘦𝘴𝘢𝘧𝘪𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘮𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘢, 𝘲𝘶𝘦 𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘢𝘳𝘢́ 𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘰𝘴, 𝘮𝘢𝘴 𝘰 𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘤𝘰 𝘦́ 𝘥𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢 𝘥𝘢 𝘥𝘦𝘮𝘰𝘤𝘳𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘢, 𝘳𝘦𝘨𝘪𝘮𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘯𝘢̂𝘮𝘪𝘤𝘰 𝘱𝘰𝘳 𝘥𝘦𝘧𝘪𝘯𝘪𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰. 𝘝𝘢𝘪 𝘫𝘢́ 𝘭𝘰𝘯𝘨𝘦 𝘢 𝘵𝘶𝘵𝘦𝘭𝘢 𝘮𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘢𝘳 𝘲𝘶𝘦, 𝘪𝘳𝘰𝘯𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦, 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘶 𝘢𝘰 𝘗𝘚𝘋 𝘦 𝘢𝘰 𝘊𝘋𝘚 𝘢 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘵𝘦𝘤𝘤̧𝘢̃𝘰 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘳𝘢 𝘢 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘳𝘦̂𝘯𝘤𝘪𝘢. 𝘛𝘢𝘭𝘷𝘦𝘻 𝘴𝘦𝘫𝘢 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘦 𝘰 𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘰 𝘥𝘦 𝘪𝘳 𝘢̀ 𝘭𝘶𝘵𝘢 𝘯𝘰 𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘤𝘢𝘥𝘰 𝘢𝘣𝘦𝘳𝘵𝘰 𝘥𝘢 𝘱𝘰𝘭𝘪́𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢.

* Investigador IHC/UNL

IN "O JORNAL ECONÓMICO" -24/03/23 .

Sem comentários:

Enviar um comentário